In the last decade, a wave of accusations has been launched against brands and companies for using cultural elements of indigenous groups. In Mexico, several cases have had considerable resonance: the complaint by the Mixe community of Tlahuitoltepec against the French company Isabel Marant for copying its Xaam nïxuy blouse; the protest by the Secretary of Culture, Alejandra Frausto, against the fashion house of Carolina Herrera for the use of embroidery from Tenango de Doria and the sarape from Saltillo; and on three different occasions the fashion clothing company Zara has been accused of plagiarism for using designs from Aguacatenango, Chiapas.

Se analyze the relationship between populism, religion and politics, both on a theoretical level and in the cases of Brazil and Mexico. It begins with a critique of Joanildo Burity's article on "the Pentecostal people" in Brazil and the relevance of using Laclau's theory of populism to explain this phenomenon. The same arguments are then used to analyze, as a contrast, contemporary Mexican populism, embodied in President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, highlighting its religious background.

[drpcap]C[/dropcap]onservative religious actors assumed a growing political prominence in Brazil and contributed to the election of Jair Bolsonaro. Complementing the political lessons of this rise, this article focuses on four analytical lessons. The first section challenges the idea of an "evangelical vote." The second part disputes the relevance of religious affiliation as a central analytical category for apprehending the phenomenon. The third part recalls that a central factor in this political rise is to be found in an eschatological shift. The fourth section questions the radical opposition between progressive governments and conservative religious actors.

Latin American evangelical politics can be seen, in Laclauian terms, as a construction of the people. More precisely, as the construction of the evangelical people, a minority with demands and a voice of its own in a “Catholic” continent of secular states. It is an evangelical construction of a country’s people in contexts in which evangelicals are considered a sociopolitical force with hegemonic aspirations. However, this double narrative has become complicated in recent years in the rough seas of the so-called conservative wave. A prominent alliance between the political far-right, neoliberalism and the parliamentary and pastoral evangelical elite reverberates from Brazil, which creates serious issues for the expectations of a pluralist impact of the public evangelical presence.