From the shawl to the scarf. The reinvention of indigenous clothing

Reception: March 27, 2019

Acceptance: August 29, 2019


The objective of the article is to describe and understand the current clothing of the women of a Zapotec community in the Central Valleys of Oaxaca who have been expropriated of their traditional clothes and tastes in favor of senses and aesthetics that serve as markers of social distinction for other groups. social. Although this has happened in many indigenous communities, we know little about the ways in which producers and users have coped with this process. The example of San Bartolomé Quialana gives an account of the way in which the women of that community, when expropriated of their traditional outfits, have appropriated garments, materials, textures and industrial colors that have allowed them to reinvent their clothing according to their senses, aesthetics and resources. It is a community where male migration to the United States has been associated and, to some extent, facilitated the female transition to new clothing.

Keywords: , , , , ,

From Rebozo Shawls to Bandannas: The Reinvention of Indigenous Dress

Abstract: The article's goal is to describe and understand women's current dress in Zapotec communities of Oaxaca's central valleys, among subjects who have seen their apparel and traditional tastes expropriated to exploit meanings and aesthetics that serve as social-distinction markers among other social groups. Though this has occurred in numerous indigenous communities, we know little about how female producers and users have responded to the process. An example at San Bartolomé Quialana attests to the way that community's women — when expropriated of their traditional dress — appropriated mass-produced apparel, materials, textures and colors that have let them reinvent their clothing in line with their own meanings, aesthetics and resources. It is a community where men's emigration to the United States has to a certain degree been associated with facilitating women's transition to new clothing styles.

Keywords: Distinction, expropriation, reinvention, apparel, emigration, the Zapotec people.

ANDn a good quality “handicraft” store in Oaxaca City, two foreign tourists asked the clerk to explain the “symbolism” of the backstrap loom placemats that they had liked. They were very upset when the employee told them that he did not know and that the artisans who made them did not say anything about it either. For the tourists that was inexplicable and they almost canceled the purchase. For them, indigenous artisan objects had, necessarily, to have a "symbolism". These objects, like the individual ones, which are designed and made for the tastes and uses of tourists, are not part of the repertoire of articles that are used in the homes of artisans.

In some stalls of the Sunday market in Tlacolula, Oaxaca, scarves or scarves of two sizes are sold, of diverse and intense colors, very different from the shawls and shawls that we identify with the clothing of the Zapotec women of the Central Valleys of Oaxaca. The scarves are reminiscent of the Spanish mantillas or Russian shawls that were used decades ago. In some stalls, blouses, dresses and skirts, for adults and girls, made with the fabric of the scarves, are also sold. The people of the micro-region identified, without hesitation, the scarves and the clothes made with them with San Bartolomé Quialana, a small Zapotec community in the Central Valleys.


The objective of this article is to describe and analyze the use of scarves and clothing as part of a process of struggle and redefinition of identity for the women of San Bartolomé, where industrial materials and products play a central role.

This has to do with a broad and generalized phenomenon: traditional indigenous clothing, especially that of women, has been remodeled by urban and tourist aesthetics, senses - and prices - in such a way that the producers have been expropriated meanings, uses and tastes of their garments and accessories. In this process, the women of San Bartolomé Quialana have reinvented their way of dressing by appropriating industrial products and materials that they have redesigned according to their tastes, senses, living conditions and changes that have affected them in recent years.

The information is based on tours, observation, conversations and interviews with women, producers, merchants and consumers, carried out in January 2019 in the tianguis of Tlacolula, in San Bartolomé Quialana, Magdalena Teitipac and San Marcos Tlapazola. It is also based on preliminary information from household surveys applied by the Mexican Migration Project (mmp) in January 2019 in four communities of the Central Valleys of Oaxaca: Magdalena Teitipac, San Bartolomé Quialana, San Lucas Quiaviní and Santa Ana del Valle.

Mural of the woman of San Bartolomé Quialana, Oaxaca. City Hall. Photograph by Alondra Rodríguez.

Clothes and ways of dressing have always served as indicators of information and communication, of belonging and identity, but also of identity change. Bourdieu (2002) drew attention to distinction, that cultural resource that, through cultural consumption, serves as a marker and differentiator of social groups. It is about the socially legitimate appropriation of "legitimate" objects and goods that are considered exclusive as long as they are identified, recognized and enjoyed by different groups. Bourdieu (2002) focuses mainly on the world of art, but also mentions clothing, in such a way that the concept and discussion can be expanded to include indigenous clothing as part of the processes of appropriation, struggle and dispute for production and the consumption of cultural objects and goods. The ruling class has incorporated in its “presentation expenses” (Bourdieu, 2002: 182) elements of indigenous clothing; But for this, selections and adjustments of garments, articles and designs have been made according to their needs, aesthetics and ways of consuming them.

In Mexico, textiles, especially, have become "objects of worship that harbor meanings around broad concepts about the" ethnic ", the" traditional "or the" Mayan ", which become fashionable in areas that go beyond local and move like merchandise ”(Bayona Escat, 2013: 372).

Indigenous clothing was, for a long time, a marker of the aesthetics, identity and meanings of the various groups and peoples according to tastes, relationships and symbolic logics based on female domestic work. The women produced, on a backstrap loom, “clothing for themselves and their families” (Lechuga, 1996: 86). Women's clothing consisted of shawls, blouses, skirts, girdles, huipiles, aprons. Until the 1960s it was estimated that between 80 and 90% of indigenous clothing was produced in households and was for use by their members (Lechuga, 1996). Women were the producers and, at the same time, the consumers of the garments.

The ways of dressing were central elements of identity. It was known that “the characteristics of the different garments, the combination of them and their designs are distinctive for each ethnic group, each region and sometimes each town” (Lechuga, 1996: 90). In this way, he said, “you can tell where a person comes from by the clothing they wear” (Lechuga, 1996: 90). In general, the decoration combined elements of the worldview of ethnic groups with reproductions of their natural environments, such as animals and plants (Lechuga, 1996).

However, changes were noted: it was recognized that “the blanket and other industrial fabrics have partially replaced the canvases made on manual looms” (Lechuga, 1996: 89); It was noted that in the manufacture of garments "factory fabrics, yarns and yarns, ribbons and lace" were used (Johnson, 1974: 162). It was also pointed out that young women no longer wanted to learn the laborious tasks associated with manual garment making and that “as trade penetrated, they lose their pride and aesthetic satisfaction in creating a good piece” (Johnson, 1974 : 169).

At the beginning of the 1970s, Martínez Peñaloza (1988) made an evaluation, activity by activity, which led him to verify the disappearance of many artisan traditions, including the manufacture of garments and fiber products, due to the loss of many local and regional raw materials that had made products and localities famous.

Capitalist expansion and penetration had led to the commodification of traditional objects and a change in the direction of artisan production in general (García Canclini, 1982; Moctezuma Yano, 2002; Novelo, 1976). Capitalism, it was said, appropriated and recreated artisan products and modified the forms of production and relations between producers.

The introduction of electricity, which allowed the use of technology and machinery; the deterioration of the family farming economy; The urban demand for old and new products and the government promotion of handicrafts as a source of foreign exchange for the country triggered three processes in the artisan communities: the orientation of production towards the urban and tourist market, the emergence of workshops and the wage earning of artisans (Good Eshelman, 1988; Novelo, 1976). And that marked the beginning of great changes.

At present, artisan products have become merchandise transformed “culturally by the tastes, markets and ideologies of larger economies” (Appadurai, 1991: 44; Pérez Montfort, 2007). Artisan objects, which involve some degree of manual labor, are created, modeled and recreated by different social actors, and in many cases distant, from the communities. These actors are the ones who redefine, redraw and monopolize "knowledge of the market, the consumer and the destination of the merchandise" (Appadurai, 1991: 61). Producers have lost control and power over their work and the meaning of their work. Increasingly, it is the new social actors, especially intermediaries, who are constructing “the politics of the status of consumers” (Appadurai, 1991: 67).

In the case of clothing, it can be said that it is a process of expropriation and appropriation of women's clothing to adapt it to increasingly sophisticated urban and tourist tastes, which in this way are integrated into exhibition circuits, museums, galleries and exclusive stores that establish new forms of distinction.

In the northern highlands of Puebla, the Nahua indigenous women have improved the quality of their products and made constant innovations in their designs that have incorporated new objects, such as “hotel bedspreads, curtains, pillows, towels” (Báez Cubero and Hernández García, 2014: 113). In Zinacantán, Chiapas, artisans produce for the tourist market “chamarros, chuj, tangles, girdles, vests, bracelets, folders, blouses, among others ”(Sánchez Santa Ana and Pérez Merino, 2014: 67).

It has become part of urban elegance to wear blouses, huipiles and shawls from Chiapas and Oaxaca, among others. For this, "native" raw materials have been rescued such as coyuche cotton from Oaxaca, as well as original silks, linens and wool that are treated with natural dyes such as indigo, snail, cempazúchitl, cochineal grana, with which rebozos, huipiles, blouses, dresses, as well as decorative items such as cushions, table runners, bedspreads, tablecloths, napkins. The designs, textures, decoration, cuts, measurements and colors of the garments have been adapted to the tastes and uses of urban women and tourists, who appreciate them as they are remodeled garments but with the reminiscences of indigenous iconographies that are pleasing and popular. value.

In the process, the garments have lost their intense colors to favor the neutral and neutralized tones of the “natural” dyes, and unknown and unthinkable decorations have been introduced into traditional clothing. A silk shawl from Oaxaca in a boutiqueA museum or exhibition store in Mexico City can cost $ 700-800; a blouse or a huipil from Chiapas or Oaxaca 300 dollars. They are prices that make it practically impossible for the women who have made them to buy them. Instead of using them, it is preferable to sell them. Also, they no longer like them.

But then, what happens when producers and consumers stop having access and lose their taste for the objects that were part of their traditional clothing? How do they dress? How do they maintain or modify their outfits and ways of dressing?

Three different pathways have been detected. On the one hand, the adaptation of innovations for the traditional clothing market, in terms of “colors, decoration or shapes”, as has happened in Zinacantán, Chiapas (Sánchez Santa Ana and Pérez Merino, 2014). The success of these garments has expanded the use of Zinacanteco clothing to other communities and has even become the clothing of urban textile merchants in San Cristóbal de las Casas (Bayona Escat, 2013). In other cases, the abandonment of “clothing made in the communities is noted, and instead the growing tendency to wear garments that are used everywhere, made of industrialized materials and of lower quality” (Báez Cubero and Hernández García, 2014: 133 -134). And there are undoubtedly a multitude of women who keep making and wearing the best huipiles for themselves (Margarita Estrada, personal communication).

Faced with a similar scenario, the women of San Bartolomé Quialana have developed a fourth and original way: the reinvention of a way of dressing, based on the use and recreation of industrial products such as scarves. This was possible, at first, due to male migration to the United States, which facilitated the arrival of these colorful scarves in the community. At the same time, the absence of men made it easier for women to give this garment new uses and meanings until it became a fundamental part of their clothing.

The example of changes in female clothing in San Bartolomé Quialana suggests that international migration has impacts beyond those that have been studied and mentioned, such as economic exchanges, social and political organization, festivities, ceremonials. The example of San Bartolomé shows how migration has impacted areas such as indigenous clothing and cultural consumption.

On the subject we do not know of studies or similar modalities in Mexico. Perhaps what is most similar is that of the sapeurs in France, although in that case, it is a male phenomenon. Sape it means "Société des Ambianceurs et des Personnes Elégantes", Although it also refers to the word"sape”From the French slang meaning attire (Friedman, 2001). They are also called dandies of the Congo (Mediaville, 2013; Wikipedia, January 25, 2019).

It is about a way of dressing that Congolese migrants in France began to produce - and with which they produce themselves. Although it is an ancient phenomenon, which has its roots in the colonial past, it was especially after the Second World War, in which the young Congolese fought alongside the French, when they began to appropriate the way of dressing of the Parisians, but they did it with fabrics, textures, colors, combinations and accessories where they mixed elements of western elegance and their taste for African aesthetics. Upon their return to their communities of origin, they wore western attire reinvented with textures, colors and combinations that operated, it has been said, as a form of anti-colonial resistance, but also against the authoritarian structures of Congolese society (Gondola, 1999; Mediaville, 2013; Wikipedia, January 25, 2019).

At first despised, the dress and the model sapeur has given rise to styles, couturiers and tailors, as well as artistic expressions, especially in the musical field (Gondola, 1999; Mediaville, 2013). In actuality there are sapeurs in Paris, London, Brussels and in Africa in the Congo, especially in the capital, Brazzaville, and in Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Gondola, 1999; Mediaville, 2013).

With some similarities to sapeurs, the women of San Bartolomé Quialana have reinvented and claimed a way of dressing based on industrial products and supplies that corresponds to their social transitions, tastes and, of course, what they can pay for clothes. The women of Quialana have ceased to be producers of their clothing to become consumers; but consumers who have managed to generate ways of dressing that respond to their tastes, needs and possibilities.

People and clothes in San Bartolomé Quialana

It is a small Zapotec municipality in the Central Valleys of Oaxaca, located 6.1 kilometers from Tlacolula, the district capital, and 39 from the city of Oaxaca. The 49.76-square-kilometer municipality is at the foot of the Central Valleys. The communities of the Valleys are located between 1,650 and 1,800 meters above sea level and have access to communal lands, to a lesser extent ejido, in the mountains, and small plots of private property in the Central Valley.

Saint Bartholomew Quialana. Central Valleys of Oaxaca. Source: Own elaboration based on data from SCINCE 2010, INEGI.

Since 2000, when it registered the highest number of inhabitants, the population has decreased and growth rates have been negative or barely positive (Table 1). In 2015 it was estimated that there were 2,476 residents, of which 1,030 were men and 1,446 were women. The proportion of men was 41,59% and that of women 58,40%, which indicates the persistence of a predominantly male migration.

Actually, until the year 2000 it intensified and, although with a certain downward trend, male migration to the United States, which began in the 1960s, has continued. mmp (2019) left the community in 1967. In January 2019, there were 158 migrants in the United States, of which 125 were men (79,11%) and 33 women (20,88%) (mmp, 2019). The oldest female migration was in 1996. Of the 33 registered migrants, 17 corresponded to family reunification (mmp, 2019).

The women who remain in the Valleys participate actively and decisively in the economic activities that make the survival of their homes possible and are the ones who are in daily contact with non-indigenous clients. Those of San Bartolomé Quialana and Magdalena Teitipac prepare and go out every day to sell tlayudas (large corn tortillas) in Tlacolula, Oaxaca City, and receive orders from those who export them to other places in Mexico and the United States. Unidos, in addition to those engaged in the manufacture and embroidery of clothing; and those that sell flowers in the Tlacolula market and fruits on Sundays; those of San Martín Tlapazola, in addition to producing and selling tlayudas, are potters and embroider aprons; those of Santa Ana del Valle are maquiladoras for the carpet workshops of Teotitlán del Valle. Now, said Julia, who makes tlayudas and tejate, men are "the ones who help us in whatever way they can."

Population and growth rates, 1900-2015. San Bartolomé Quialana, Oaxaca. Source: Own elaboration from the Historical Archive of Geostatistical Localities and Intercensal Survey 2015, INEGI.

The neighbors, although they understand and speak Spanish, communicate in Zapotec. In San Bartolomé Quialana and the other towns of the foot of the mountain, embroidered cotton blouses, entanglement or wrapped with girdles or cotton shawls are no longer used. In Magdalena Teitipac and San Marcos Tlapazola women still wear shawls.

Quialana flower vendors in the market of Tlacolula, Oaxaca. Photograph by Alondra Rodríguez.
Fruit vendors in the market of Tlacolula, Oaxaca. Photograph by Alondra Rodríguez.

The most distinctive of the clothing of the women of San Bartolomé, their new hallmark, are the scarves that are placed on the head. The kerchiefs are industrially manufactured, made of good quality synthetic fabric, square, in two sizes, with very intense colors and printed with large flowers, also colored. The preferred colors are red and blue. Although they are worn in different ways, all the women of San Bartolomé wear them. In that they are unique.

Woman with scarf in the market of Tlacolula, Oaxaca. Photograph by Alondra Rodríguez.

The scarf has an uncertain origin. Although all indicate that they arrived, via migrants, from the United States, currently it is said that they come from Guatemala, although there are those who affirm that they are manufactured in Japan, China or Chiapas. A newspaper article claimed that the labels said they were from China (Galimberti, 2013). Scarves of that type seen in Europe have labels from Turkey. The ones we reviewed in 2019 had no labels. In any case, they are industrial and arrive in large quantities in San Bartolomé.

Quialana vendors in the market of Tlacolula, Oaxaca. Photograph by Alondra Rodríguez.

The rest of the clothing is similar to that of other communities in the Valleys. The women wear industrially made aprons, the kind sold in all popular markets, but they have been adorned with machine-embroidered flowers on both the tops and the pockets. The aprons are embroidered in San Marcos Tlapazola.

How did the scarves get to San Bartolomé?

The precariousness of agriculture, the raising of small livestock (goats, sheep) and the exploitation of wood from the communal forest did not allow the survival of the households. Women's jobs took on more and more weight in household budgets.

The men of the community, like so many in the state of Oaxaca, joined the migratory stream that led them to the United States. They settled around Anaheim and Los Angeles and became farm laborers picking strawberries and, to a lesser extent, grapes and onions. From the late 1970s they began to work as dishwashers and gardeners. In 2019, more than half of the migrants (54%) were engaged in gardening and, to a lesser extent, were kitchen assistants, cooks, day laborers and dishwashers (29%) (mmp, 2019).

A characteristic of the attire of agricultural day laborers in the United States and Mexico is the use of large scarves, especially bandanas, which cover their faces and necks from the inclement sun. They are worn under hoods and hoods. Was it there that the migrants from San Bartolomé got to know the kerchiefs? Can be.

Blue scarf, one of the favorite colors. Photograph by Patricia Arias.

What is certain is that they began to send them to their wives, daughters and sisters in the community and to bring them as gifts when they returned. They began to wear them and leave the shawl behind. The general acceptance of scarves seems to have two explanations. On the one hand, wearing a scarf was evidence that migrants sent remittances and valuable objects home. It was a sign of pride and success and that "the sacrifice of migrating" was worth it. On the other hand, it allowed breaking with the language of the shawl regarding the marital status of women. In the communities of the Central Valleys, to date, they must wear the shawl according to their marital status, single or married, categories where most of the women were traditionally located.

The scarf allowed breaking with that code. That break was already necessary. As Julia pointed out, with the scarf women were no longer distinguished by their marital status, which made single mothers like her feel more comfortable, a situation that has increased greatly in all communities. Thus, at present it is impossible to know the marital status of a woman from San Bartolomé, something that does not happen in other communities in the Valleys.

In San Bartolomé there are two or three workshops where scarves are sold and with them a wide variety of clothing is made: blouses of different styles, tops, skirts, dresses. In Tlacolula there is a workshop, “Tlacolula a flor de piel”, where garments with fashionable designs are made with the fabric of the scarves: blouses, daily and party dresses, tops, shorts and accessories: bags, purses, headbands, sandals. Its owner is Laura García, with a degree in Business Administration, and the articles and clothing are promoted on Facebook.1

But in the workshops and some homes of San Bartolomé, Magdalena Teitipac and San Marcos Tlapazola, in addition to garments with scarves, blouses and dresses for all occasions are made with industrial fabrics. In a workshop in San Bartolomé, the rolls of cloth had just arrived that, the owner said, her supplier sent her from Chiapas. It is also said that the fabrics come from factories in the State of Mexico.

The blouses are made of synthetic materials, many transparent and with brocades, in very bright colors, adorned with industrial lace; other blouses have machine-embroidered flowers, reminiscent of huipiles. The skirts, below the knee, are also made of synthetic fabrics, in strong colors such as purple, yellow, gold, green, blue, red and, to a lesser extent, plaid, like Scottish skirts.

Scarves. Photograph by Patricia Arias.

All skirts are pleated and the pleat is ironed before sewing. The skirts are made in three sizes (small, medium and large), without waistbands or zippers. A dress is made by sewing a blouse to a skirt. Dresses, blouses and skirts are made in San Bartolomé, but there are also those who make them in other communities.

Clients of the garments cite several reasons for wearing garments made from industrial materials. First of all, the materials. For them, synthetic fabrics have advantages over natural fibers: there is a huge variety of very bright colors, the fabrics do not wrinkle, they do not iron and they do not stain like cotton. Second, pleated skirts, without waistbands or zippers, are easy to put on and wear. Also the pleated dresses. They represent an evolution of the wrap that was fastened with girdles.

It must be said that the women of the piedmont communities do not wear pants. They are only worn by single women who go to work far and wide for long periods of time. An example: among the young women of Magdalena Tetipac, who go as domestic servants to the city of Monterrey, it is accepted that they wear pants, shirts and jackets. For those garments they were recognized as migrants who had returned to the community to spend Christmas 2018, but who would return to Monterrey. Those who planned to stay or those who are returning to get married stopped wearing these clothes and began to dress in the new “traditional” outfit: colored blouses, flowers and lace, and pleated skirts.

Third, something that they like a lot is that they can choose the fabrics and their patterns according to their tastes, senses and resources. Julia said that she loved the big pink and red flowers, as they were used before in huipiles, blouses and shawls, and not the pastel colors that are used now. Her sister, who is dedicated to embroidering with an electric machine and acrylic threads, makes the blouses and embroiders the aprons as she likes.

Quialana woman with current skirt, blouse and apron. Photograph by Patricia Arias.
Large acrylic napkin. Photograph by Patricia Arias.
Large scarf to make blouse. Photograph by Patricia Arias.

Julia did not understand why the flower guides were colored. For her, the guides that unite the flowers in any garment are and should be green, because that is how they are in nature. Nor is it understandable that in the current decorations, which you have seen in the stores of Oaxaca, there are magueys beige, black or red. For her, magueys can only be green. Hilda used to say that she preferred the large acrylic napkins, with colorful embroidery, which are sold in non-tourist shops in the Oaxaca market. He uses them to cover the basket containing the tlayudas he sells in Tlacolula. Her mother, who sells tejate, pointed out that she also prefers them. As both work all day - "one day they are done, the other goes out to sell" - the acrylic napkins are easy to wash, they dry very quickly and they are not ironed. And they like them.

And, of course, there is the crucial aspect of prices. A scarf costs between 100 and 200 pesos, a blouse between 150 and 350 pesos and a dress between 650 and 750; prices that are far from those reached now by the garments they used before.

In summary

The current clothing of the women of San Bartolomé Quialana and the other communities of the Central Valleys can be understood as a reaction to the expropriation that they have experienced of their garments, accessories, materials, uses and traditional aesthetics. In Oaxaca, as in other tourist areas, a part of national and foreign consumers demand and pay for products, such as the individual ones mentioned at the beginning, which are produced for sophisticated uses and furnishings that favor "natural" materials, colors, textures. , dimensions and well-chosen combinations. As a plusConsumers want the products to make sense, that is, they allude to a supposed indigenous symbolism. To achieve this, indigenous producers have divided the production that is for them and that which is for the market. They produce for the market what the market wants.

The women of the Valleys of Oaxaca have learned to know the interests, tastes and language of the non-indigenous, urban and tourist clientele, for the commercialization of their products. Those that make tlayudas and sell tejate refer to the fact that they are “natural products”; the ceramic pieces are "like the one our ancestors used"; the mat dyes are "organic and natural." These arguments apply to what they sell, to what they use for others, not to their own consumption of basic and cultural goods, such as clothing.

Like the sapeurs, the women of San Bartolomé Quialana have appropriated industrial products and materials, from which they have reinvented a way of dressing. In the case of sapeurs and from San Bartolomé, migration played an important role in the origin of the new ways of dressing. Young Africans learned to wear and modify Parisian clothing when they returned from World War II and began going to their home communities in the Congo, where they and their outfits became objects of great admiration. In San Bartolomé the absence of men contributed to the women being able to use the scarves that were sent to them as gifts in some transgressive way: abandoning the shawls, creating various garments that became part of their style.

The scarves, of varied and intense colors, are worn in many ways both on the head and on the neck. For them it is important that, thanks to the scarves, they are not identified by their marital status at a time when non-unions and motherhood without partners have increased. For the young women of the other communities it is an achievement of those of San Bartolomé. The wide, comfortable and decorated skirts have replaced the wrapped ones very well, without having to move towards garments such as pants. They prefer skirts and dresses. The aprons, which keep their clothes clean, have been “personalized” with embroidery that they like and make sense in terms of colors and designs. They can order the flowers in the sizes, colors and combinations that they appreciate. The vivid colors, which are possible with the threads and wools of acrylan, are his favorites.

The path followed by the women of San Bartolomé is not, perhaps, what was expected as the trajectory of indigenous clothing. But we must accept that it is a way that has allowed them to maintain, with industrial products, a way of dressing, an aesthetic and their own senses that identify them and of which they feel proud.


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EncartesVol. 5, No. 10, September 2022-February 2023, is an open access digital academic journal published biannually by the Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, Calle Juárez, No. 87, Col. Tlalpan, C. P. 14000, México, D. F., Apdo. Postal 22-048, Tel. 54 87 35 70, Fax 56 55 55 76, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, A. C.., Carretera Escénica Tijuana-Ensenada km 18.5, San Antonio del Mar, No. 22560, Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico, Tel. +52 (664) 631 6344, Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Occidente, A.C., Periférico Sur Manuel Gómez Morin, No. 8585, Tlaquepaque, Jalisco, Tel. (33) 3669 3434, and El Colegio de San Luis, A. C., Parque de Macul, No. 155, Fracc. Colinas del Parque, San Luis Potosi, Mexico, Tel. (444) 811 01 01. Contact: Director of the journal: Ángela Renée de la Torre Castellanos. Hosted at Responsible for the last update of this issue: Arthur Temporal Ventura. Date last modified: September 22, 2022.