Social media and digital platforms in the migratory journey from the Darien jungle to Mexico's northern border

Receipt: February 29, 2024

Acceptance: June 17, 2024

Abstract

Undocumented migration to the United States includes dangerous routes such as the Darien Gap and Mexican territory controlled by organized crime. This article examines how social media and digital platforms impact the migration experience based on two case studies. It reveals that networks such as TikTok, WhatsApp and Facebook not only document and share experiences in real time, but also build supportive digital communities. The findings highlight the duality of digitalization: it facilitates organization and reduces risks, but also exposes migrants to new dangers. It underscores the need for policies that incorporate these tools to improve safety and support for migrants.

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social media and digital platforms on the migrant journey from the darien rainforest to mexico's northern border

The trip to the United States for undocumented immigrants includes dangerous routes like the Darien Gap and parts of Mexico run by organized crime. This article examines how social media and digital platforms influence the migrant experience based on two case studies. It shows how media like TikTok, WhatsApp, and Facebook are used not only to document and share experiences in real time but also to build digital support communities. The findings reveal that while digitalization facilitates planning and reduces risks, it also exposes immigrants to new dangers. Ultimately, the article underlines the need for policies that incorporate these tools to enhance the safety of immigrants and provide them with support along their journey.

Keywords: immigration, Darien Gap, digital platforms, TikTok, WhatsApp, migrant experience.


Introduction

Migration in Latin America during the 20th century xxi is characterized by increasing complexity and diversification, as people of different nationalities face dangerous routes in their search for safety and better opportunities. One of the most challenging is the Darien Gap, a dense jungle on the Colombia-Panama border, which has become a critical point for migrants trying to reach the United States (Acosta, Ramirez and Jimenez, 2023; Baigts and Zenteno, 2023; Hernandez and Ibarra, 2023). This migration includes not only Venezuelans, but also people from Central America, the Caribbean, Africa and Asia, reflecting the global and transnational nature of current migratory movements (Reyes, 2023). Socioeconomic, political and environmental factors, together with the accessibility of information through digital technologies, influence the decision to undertake this arduous journey.

Digital platforms and social media have emerged as indispensable tools for the organization and execution of these trips. Services such as TikTok, WhatsApp, Telegram and Instagram facilitate the exchange of vital information about routes, costs and risks associated with migration (Walk, Garimella and Fotini, 2023). Mapping applications such as Google Maps have also become a crucial aid for navigation and route planning (Van Houtum and Bueno, 2023). In addition to their informative role, social networks provide a space for sharing personal experiences and challenges faced during the journey, thus contributing to the formation of migrant digital communities that transcend geographical boundaries. These platforms not only offer emotional support and solidarity, but also play a crucial role in the construction of collective identities and in the struggle for migration rights (Ter Laan, 2023).

Image 1: "Recharging in Arriaga, Chiapas" Source: América Navarro, 2023.

The objective of this study is to understand how digital tools - be they instant messaging services or digital social networking platforms - contribute to reducing risks and vulnerabilities, as well as generating opportunities, which has transformed the migration experience. The decision to focus on the Venezuelan population is justified due to the high migration flow in the region and the availability of detailed data on their experiences.

Methodology

This study combines qualitative analysis of digital narratives with participant observation methods and continuous communication with participants via WhatsApp. This methodological triangulation was carried out during two fieldwork seasons (2022 and 2023) and allowed us to immerse ourselves in the realities of migratory journeys to the United States. To develop participant observation, we integrated ourselves into migrant communities in critical points of the migratory route to the United States, such as Necoclí in Colombia and Tapachula in Mexico, living close to the camps and participating in their daily activities. This included traveling on the same means of transportation, sharing sleeping and eating spaces, as well as documenting the interactions and decisions that were made in real time. This proximity allowed us to gain the trust of the migrants and obtain first-hand data about their experiences.

The use of WhatsApp facilitated a constant flow of data in the form of audios, photographs and videos, which documented the experiences in real time. This continuous communication provided a longitudinal perspective of the journeys, which enriched the information with intimate details and important moments. In-depth interviews were also conducted with migrants, humanitarian workers and local guides. Thematic analysis of the data collected followed an inductive approach to allow themes to emerge from the data itself. This approach focused on identifying and analyzing recurring patterns, emerging themes, and meaningful digital narratives (Clarke and Braun, 2017). Informed consent was obtained from all participants and confidentiality and anonymity were guaranteed; also, continuous critical reflection on the researcher's position and the ethical implications of the research was conducted (Hernández and Ibarra, 2023).

The study focuses on two representative cases of Venezuelan migrants who undertook their journey through the Darien Gap. Mobile technology, in particular the smartphonesplayed a crucial role in the organization and navigation of the trip. Instant messaging services, social media and social networking platforms were used for private communications, to obtain route and risk information, as well as to share personal experiences.

Digital platforms and social media such as Facebook and TikTok enabled migrants to stay informed and build supportive digital communities. Personal accounts provide an enriched understanding of the social dynamics and challenges faced during the journey. The monitoring of these cases extended beyond the Darien Gap crossing and included transit through Mexico and eventual arrival in the United States. This continuity in observation allowed us to explore in depth the individual trajectories of the migrants and to highlight additional risks encountered during their journey. The persistence of communication with family members and other members of the migrant group through social networks was fundamental to maintain the link with their communities and serve as a vital channel for the exchange of information on risks and challenges shared by other migrants on similar routes.

Two Venezuelans' point of view on Venezuelan migration to the U.S.

According to those interviewed for this article, we know that during this century Venezuelan migration has been increasing both in number of people and destinations; it is a cross-border phenomenon with countries bordering Venezuela, intercontinental with countries such as Spain, and more recently a transnational phenomenon with the United States as its destination. Some of the Venezuelans who chose to migrate to the last of these destinations first sought to settle in a South American country before deciding to cross the Darien in search of the American dream.

Among the people seeking to migrate from Venezuela to the United States, there are those who have already gone through a first stage, in which they anticipate by selling their belongings and assets, and plan to leave their country of origin to settle mainly in Colombia, Peru, Ecuador or Chile. Although immigration laws in these countries have been reformed in favor of this population group, their social integration is often complex. Among other factors, such as paying rent, transportation, buying food, etc., the lack of job opportunities is a determining factor for their integration. Venezuelans are underemployed despite being qualified professionals. They are employed in motorcycle workshops, home repair, and light and plumbing installation.

In more recent years, after the outbreak of the pandemic caused by covid-19, the cost of living increased and there was a greater shortage of jobs, so the information of the success of some Venezuelans in social networks who had reached the American dream and the news from the Darien about thousands of their fellow countrymen who had survived the dangers of the jungle and were on their way to fulfill that dream, led some migrants to find clues to undertake a new life project.

The case of Mr. Luis

At the end of September 2022, 43-year-old Luis decided to embark on a journey through the jungle and convinced his brother-in-law to join him on this unconventional adventure. To carry out their plan, the two of them pooled some money and set off from Bogotá to Necoclí, a journey that took them 12 hours. Upon arrival, they were surprised to find hundreds of migrants camping on the beach, some in tents and others in makeshift shelters made of wood, plastic and cardboard. With no money for lodging, they were forced to cook on a makeshift stove and live on food donations.

During his stay in Necoclí, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (unhcr) and the Red Cross estimated that more than 1,500 people were sleeping on the beach. The high demand for boat services to cross the Gulf of Urabá had saturated the available options, extending the waiting time to a week. Those willing to pay three times as much could leave the next day; but, in addition to the cost of the boat trip, the guide's expenses and the "security tax" had to be covered. On average, each person needed between $275 and $300 to reach the Panamanian border.

On October 12, just as Luis and the other Venezuelan migrants in Necoclí had their tickets ready to leave, they learned that the United States had decided to close its borders. Social networks flooded the migrants with alarming news; some offered them a bleak picture, while others gave them encouragement and advice to continue. However, most saw their hopes and dreams vanish. Faced with this situation, some decided to continue on their way despite the risk of being stranded in a Central American country, while others contemplated returning to Venezuela.

An estimated two-thirds of the migrants opted to suspend their journey and sold their belongings and provisions to finance their return by bus to cities such as Bogota, Medellin, Ipiales and Cucuta. Others decided to head towards Capurganá, taking advantage of the confusion to avoid the costs imposed by criminal groups. In groups of 20 to 30 people, they crossed the jungle; Luis was part of one of these groups, took a boat to Capurganá and entered the jungle by that route.

On this route I chose a trail called El Cielo, then you go up a steep hill called Cerro de las Banderas, there you are already in Panama; you go down there and you get to a camp, you continue down the river, you get to a camp that is called La Playa, there is a community of Kuna Indians. You rest there and then walk along a path of palm trees until you reach Anacachuna. You leave this town and get back into the jungle, go up the hill of the Flags, then follow the hill of La Llorona. La Llorona is one of the most difficult hills in the Darien, it takes eight hours going up and eight hours going down in pure mud, one of the hardest hills (Luis, 2023).

Migrants crossing the Darien often underestimate the natural hazards they will face along the way. They must contend with heavy rains and fast-flowing rivers, in addition to the dangers associated with local wildlife. After crossing several rivers, they find an easier stretch where there is an indigenous community dedicated to trade and canoe transport, which allows them to reach the San Vicente migratory station. Upon arrival, Luis describes this place as an oasis for travelers.

Luis then arrived in Paso Canoas with some money and set out on a new journey. In a Costa Rican bus sponsored by the unhcrHe formed a group of friends: two young men from San Cristobal, Venezuela; a young woman and a girl from Venezuela; another young man from Venezuela and 20 men from Nepal and India. He was reunited with his brother-in-law Gabriel, whom he had lost in the jungle. Thanks to the remittances Gabriel received, both were able to continue on their way and arrived without difficulty at the border of San Pancho, Nicaragua, as they managed to evade immigration controls. They followed long walks around a lake and, when possible, took transportation to move forward until they reached the border with Honduras. After a short walk along a trail, they found a road and a driver with transport willing to help them, fortunately without being stopped by the police or immigration authorities.

During the journey through Guatemala, Luis faced numerous challenges: long walks without food, traveling in vehicles in poor condition, evading police checkpoints, until he finally reached the Mexican border.

There is no escape, the criminals appear and fleece you, I had little money, but they took it anyway. Since my cell phone was one of the old ones with a broken screen, they were not even interested. I crossed the border on the rafts of inner tubes, I was very happy to see a gigantic Mexican flag in the distance. I was already in Ciudad Hidalgo or Suchiate (Luis, 2023).

Luis relates that in the camps along the Suchiate River there were hundreds of migrants; there some "coyotes" offered to cross the Soconusco and organize trips to Oaxaca and Mexico City. Prices for these services varied according to the nationality of the migrant. Luis opted to join a group of young Hondurans familiar with the safe routes. Together, they began their journey from Ciudad Hidalgo to Tapachula, using social networks to identify and avoid the checkpoints of the National Migration Institute (Instituto Nacional de Migración, INM).im) and the National Guard. With a 300-kilometer journey ahead of them, their goal was to reach San Pedro Tapanatepec, where safe-conducts were being delivered. The intense heat, which exceeded 30 degrees, increased the risk of dehydration, making the journey an even tougher ordeal. Despite the option of taking public or private transportation, the high costs and short distances offered by carts, motorcycle cabs, cars and vans complicated the journey.

Upon arriving in San Pedro Tapanatepec, Luis found the place overcrowded with migrants due to the suspension of the issuance of safe-conducts, which made mobility difficult. He spent a week in a makeshift camp in a municipal sports field, where he received food from religious groups and volunteers. The route through Oaxaca was particularly challenging because of the number of roadblocks and checkpoints. imThis led Luis to detour to Tabasco, passing through Cárdenas until he reached Villahermosa. There his resources were exhausted and for six days he was held in an immigration station, although he was finally allowed to remain in the region.

I began to ask for money from people who came across me, and with the money I collected I managed to get to Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz, and from there I went up to the capital. We go in parts, in stages because the migra is very heavy. On that route there were three of us, my brother-in-law, a friend I had met on the way and me. I learned that it was better to travel with few people to go unnoticed and not be stopped by migration (Luis, 2023).

Upon leaving Villahermosa, Luis learned that the freight trains were a free alternative for traveling north. When he boarded these trains, he encountered numerous migrants sharing the same route. Given the size of the convoys, it was possible to choose a carriage that offered some comfort. However, it was crucial to remain vigilant because of the risks posed by both the agents of the im such as the gangs of thieves who frequently boarded trains to rob passengers. On December 10, 2022, Luis experienced an incident on one of these trips.

Last night at about half past ten at night they stopped the train, the state police chased us for half an hour, we had to take the bus and we blew them off, this train route is not easy, but I can't do much, I don't have enough money to pay for a van, they are charging me a thousand pesos, and from there up I have to take more vans, I have to spend 2000 to 3000 more. You need to raise a lot of money, that's why the train is like a lifeline.sic(Luis, 2023).

Traveling by train through Veracruz and Tlaxcala is a more direct route to reach Huehuetoca, State of Mexico. This point is crucial, as it converges with several railroad branches heading towards the northern border. During his stay in Huehuetoca, Luis found refuge in a house for migrants, where he was able to rest and feed himself. Here, a group of migrants formed, determined to take a train to Monterrey. That same day, Luis and his new group, composed of 11 people of various nationalities: Venezuelans, Hondurans, Nicaraguans and Salvadorans, left Huehuetoca for Saltillo, Coahuila. The next day, the group arrived in Celaya, Guanajuato. Luis chose to pause in this place, since a Catholic church offered them lodging and dinner. This gesture remained engraved in his memory, especially because it coincided with his birthday. "We went back to take another train, passed through San Luis Potosí and Matehuala, and arrived in Saltillo to say goodbye to the year. The cold was already crisp" (Luis, 2023).

Upon arriving in Saltillo, Luis and his travel companions faced the complexity of choosing a border city through which to cross into the United States. The variety of options generated confusion, as Luis describes it: "So many border cities were mentioned that it was overwhelming to decide which was the best route. You soon realize that the so-called 'Hueco' is a bigger challenge than imagined" (Luis, 2023). Physical exhaustion, coupled with the limited availability of economic resources, further complicated the situation.

The risk of being exploited by "coyotes" or facing exorbitant fares on local transportation, where migrants can be charged up to three times the regular fare, was a constant concern. In addition, the difficulty in accessing food was intensified by the high concentration of migrants in border areas. Although traveling by train represented a less risky option than walking the roads and offered significant savings in transportation costs, it was not without its dangers:

Yesterday we went to catch the train, but only Kansas City trains were leaving, there was no Ferromex train, which was the one we were supposed to catch, so we got on a Kansas City, but we had a problem with one of the girls. The girl who was with us managed to get on, but when she started she did not realize that there was a bridge at the corner and she was pulled off the train, she fell. It was a big scare, but thank God nothing happened to her. Another lady got sick, her blood pressure dropped and we had to return to the migrant shelter where we spent the night. If it wasn't for those shelters, things would have been more difficult (Luis, 2023).

Finally, the group of migrants split up: some opted to take a train to Piedras Negras, while others, including Luis, decided to head for Monterrey. Luis joined five people: two women, a girl and a fellow Venezuelan. However, during their stay, they received information through social networks indicating that Ciudad Juarez was the most viable border crossing point. They organized to raise funds and pay for bus tickets for a journey of 1,200 kilometers and almost 20 hours. In this way, they managed to reach Ciudad Juárez on January 16, 2023, completing three months since they left Necoclí. Once at the border, Luis, like many other migrants, found it necessary to rethink his strategy for entering the United States:

I wanted to cross, but if I cross illegally they say that they will prohibit me from entering, so I'm going to do the following: I'm going to stay here, I still don't have a job, but I'm going to see how I can work here and try to get some money to rent a little room, while I arrange the process to cross legally so I can get to work legally (Luis, 2023).

Luis and his group set up camp near one of the international bridges along the Rio Bravo, where hundreds of Venezuelans were already residing. On January 27, police in Ciudad Juarez conducted an operation in that area and at several major crossings to inspect migrants in irregular status in Mexico. During this action, many people, including Luis, were detained, stripped of their belongings and handed over to the police. im. Although initially promised release in Ciudad Juarez with a permit, they were taken to Mexico City on a chartered bus and from there to Villahermosa, where they were held in a migrant detention center. There, Luis experienced physical violence that resulted in a hand injury. After three days in the detention center, Luis received a transit permit to leave Mexico through the Guatemalan border. However, he decided to head to Mexico City, but was stopped again on the way. He tried to get to Coatzacoalcos to catch a train; however, he was caught again and his transit document was withheld. Since he had a job in Ciudad Juarez and wanted to get his documents back, Luis decided to return to that border city. He also explored the possibility of applying for refugee status through the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance (Comisión Mexicana de Ayuda a Refugiados (eat) through recommendations from contacts. During his return trip to Ciudad Juarez, he met a Honduran woman who became his partner and together with their ten-year-old daughter, they resettled in the camps along the Rio Bravo. The cold weather led them to seek refuge in an abandoned house; later, Luis found employment as a private security guard. He participated in some massive crossing attempts to El Paso, Texas, without success, due to the intervention of border authorities.

Luis analyzed the option of crossing the desert as a test to familiarize himself with the less guarded routes. He sought legal advice for his refugee paperwork in the United States, but the process was slow. Finally, he filed an application with Customs and Border Protection (cbp) and, after a month, they were admitted to the immigration station in El Paso, Texas. After a week in detention, they received a permit to enter the United States thanks to the support of a sponsor. Luis, his partner and stepdaughter now reside in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, and have welcomed a new daughter, born during their journey. Luis' 11-month journey culminated with the realization of his dream of reaching the United States, an achievement he considers the fruit of his sacrifices and efforts.

The case of Nanys and Edis, a Venezuelan family

Nanys and Edis, a Venezuelan couple from the state of Falcón, decided to embark on a journey to the United States in search of a better future. Nanys, 22, had been a mother at 19 and worked as a policeman, but left her job due to corruption and harassment. Edis, 30, earned a living as a mechanic. They joined as a couple in early 2023 and set out to migrate to the United States motivated by the success of friends and neighbors who had taken the same route. Thanks to the financial support of Edis' brother in Panama, they left Venezuela on September 12, 2023 for Cúcuta, Colombia, luring their son with the promise of a jungle adventure.

From Cúcuta they traveled to Medellín and then to Turbo, where they began their sea crossing to Acandí, despite the cost of fares and "security taxes". After a brief rest at a camp in Acandí, they undertook a demanding eight-hour trek to La Bandera, on the border with Panama, where they opted for a shorter but dangerous route through the jungle. Along the way, they faced swollen rivers, steep and slippery terrain, and dense mud.

Edis recalls a critical moment when her son almost drowned in a swollen river, who was saved by a desperate maneuver. The adventure continued with the promise of being only a part of their jungle journey to keep the child calm. After three days of trekking, they reached Bajo Chiquito, where the high prices did not diminish their determination to follow through with their plan. The next stage was a canoe ride to Lajas Blancas, where they were searched by the Panamanian military before being transferred to a United Nations camp (un).

Nanys describes the camp of the un as a well-organized place, with free lodging, toilets and dining facilities, although security of belongings was a concern. After two days, they managed to move on to Costa Rica and Nicaragua in a modern and comfortable bus, which provided a well-deserved rest for their son and them on their long road to a new beginning:

There are giant white tent houses with cots to sleep on, toilets and showers and a dining area. Being in that place you don't pay for any service, you find people who have been waiting for a week to pay the money for the bus, although it is a safe place you always have to be aware of your belongings so that someone doesn't steal them. We spent two days in that camp, because we were able to pay for the tickets to take us to Costa Rica and from there to Nicaragua. The ride was comfortable, it was a modern bus with reclining seats and air conditioning, so the child felt at ease (Nanys, 2023).

Upon reaching the Mexico-Guatemala border, Nanys fell into a depressed state, and the couple found themselves without the means to continue their journey. Although their son remained hopeful and enthusiastic about being on an excursion, Nanys found it difficult to move forward. The idea of returning seemed unthinkable, so they were stuck for three days in a small Guatemalan border town until Nanys recovered. Fortunately, they still had some savings, which allowed them to hire the services of coyotes again.

Nanys remembers the trip through Guatemala as particularly uncomfortable, in old, overloaded vehicles, with no opportunities to stop for food or bathroom breaks due to police and criminal gang checkpoints. Drivers negotiated with these groups using specific names or nicknames, thus obtaining approval to continue. About two hours before reaching the Mexican border, they took a bus to Tecún Umán. As they left the terminal, they were tricked and robbed by fake guides who took their cell phones and all their money. Despite being close to the border, they did not have the resources to pay for the river raft crossing. Edis took the initiative to ask passersby for financial help and, thanks to the solidarity of other migrants, they managed to raise enough money for the crossing. During the raft crossing, his son continued to believe in the adventure of his excursion.

Upon arriving in Mexico, Nanys and Edis felt they were closer to reaching their ultimate goal of reaching the United States. A month had already passed since the beginning of their journey when they arrived in Tapachula. The next leg of the trip, a journey of approximately 300 kilometers to Arriaga and San Pedro Tapanatepec in Oaxaca, involved walking under intense sunshine and evading several checkpoints at the im and the National Guard.

Once in San Pedro Tapanatepec, they realized how far they still had to travel and how complicated it was becoming to reach the U.S. border. They decided to continue by bus to Juchitan, Oaxaca, where they learned of a safe and inexpensive transportation service offered by the government of Oaxaca that would take them to the state capital. Thanks to money sent by Edis' brother from Panama, they were able to pay the fares, although they did not have enough left over to feed themselves.

On October 12, 2023, one month into their journey, Nanys, Edis and their son arrived at the Migrant Mobility Center outside Oaxaca. This center had temporary facilities, including large tents, portable toilets, a first aid area and bus lockers. There was also security and a small module of the im to process exit permits. They offered transportation to Mexico City in first and second class buses, supervised by said institute.

The next day, the family bought tickets to the Central de Autobuses Poniente in Mexico City. They sought lodging in an inexpensive but poorly maintained hotel. Despite being unclear of their border destination, they explored the city, which included a visit to the Angel de la Independencia. Through WhatsApp contacts, they learned of inexpensive bus services to Monterrey from Central del Norte, as they mistakenly believed Monterrey was on the border. Regular companies required stamped passports, so they opted for an unofficial service for a thousand pesos each. After boarding, an immigration checkpoint in San Luis Potosi prevented them from continuing, forcing them to walk to Saltillo through hostile desert terrain. After a dangerous encounter with criminals near Matehuala and an exhaustive walk, they found refuge in a Christian shelter in Saltillo. Two days later, they bought tickets to Monterrey, where they camped at the bus terminal and collected money to continue. During their stay, they witnessed a police raid but were not arrested. Fatigue and fear gripped them, while their son asked them when they would return home.

Once settled in the pastor's house, we began to look for ways to apply the cbp One, I started looking for work. I only lasted about two days working in construction but a man told me to be on the lookout because there were bad people around, that if I was going to get on the buses I had to play dumb because wherever they heard me they were going to take me again. The truth is that we can't do anything, we can't even go out for fear that they might catch us again. Here we are waiting to see if the appointment comes out and if by chance the appointment doesn't come by January, I really think we will go back, I really think it is getting very complicated, we are in a lot of danger, we don't know what to do, really (Nanys, 2023).

They stayed in Reynosa for three weeks, in the pastor's house, until they were able to get their request for cbp One was admitted. They were called to an appointment at the immigration offices in McAllen. Edis describes that moment with great emotion: "A lot of running, running, a lot of traveling, but thanks to God we got through, we crossed the river on Wednesday (December 27) at about ten or eleven o'clock at night, thanks to God, immigration received us, processed us and soon we were authorized to enter the United States legally" (Edis, 2023).

For Edis, Nanys and her son, the news they received was like a wonderful Christmas present. After leaving the Migration office, they managed to arrange a flight to New York for Nanys and the boy, while Edis had to undertake the last leg of his journey by bus from McAllen. Their last communication was through a WhatsApp message: "We are in the United States, thank God".

The centrality of social networks and digital platforms in the cases of Luis, Edis and Nanys.

Luis' migratory odyssey illustrates the critical importance of social networks and mobile technology in navigating the complex migratory routes of the 21st century. xxi. During his wait to cross Urabá, Luis immersed himself in social networks every morning, becoming an attentive observer of the experiences shared by other Venezuelans who had advanced towards Capurganá and Acandí. WhatsApp groups emerged as vital forums in which experiences were exchanged, dangers were alerted and successes were celebrated, although losses were also lamented. Luis reflected on the duality of the journeys: some moved forward with determination, while others were trapped in the green labyrinth of the Darien.

Connectivity became a vital thread linking Luis to the outside world, especially when his device stopped working for five critical days at the migratory stations. However, once settled in the camp of the iom-acnurThe availability of free internet allowed him to reconnect, share his progress and receive valuable advice for the next stages of his journey.

On the other hand, the case of Edis and Nanys demonstrated a similar adaptation to the demands of digital migration. Armed with their smartphonesThey meticulously documented their journey through the Darien through platforms such as TikTok and Facebook not only as personal diaries, but also as beacons of orientation for those who would follow them (Calvillo and Hernández, 2018, 2021; Fabián and Valdez, 2024). Edis's ability to search for information in real time and consult with compatriots through WhatsApp underscores the synergy between physical mobility and digital connectivity: "I started looking for things on networks and also asked people ahead of us through Whats how to cross the borders of Nicaragua and Honduras" (Edis, 2023).

Image 2: "Recharging cell phones before entering the Darien in Necocli, Colombia" Source: Alberto Hernández, 2023.

Upon reaching the San Pancho border in Nicaragua, Edis, Nanys and their son opted to legally pass through the migration checkpoint by paying US$150 for a laissez-passer that allowed them to move freely through the country. This decision helped them save on travel and food expenses. Thanks to the laissez-passer, they were able to cross Nicaragua without any inconvenience, enjoying its beautiful landscapes of lakes and mountains. The crossing through Honduras was also safe for them, although at this stage of the journey they depended on coyotes, who were in charge of guiding them to the border with Guatemala.

Luis used TikTok and Facebook to stay updated on the route and the road ahead. He often found himself without access to mobile data, but took every opportunity to connect and communicate with his family. He shared photos and messages from his journey, appearing relaxed and victorious. Luis shared details about the methods and procedures he employed during his journey, and narrated the moment when he decided to continue his journey alone:

I am guided by my gps and for the communication with the people who are guiding me, saying "go this way", "get in this way", and so on, little by little. And thanks to my phone gps I have an international chip that will last me until the United States, I am recharging it so that it will last me, and people are guiding me, I am traveling by bus, because it is very far on foot, right now I am traveling totally alone, I got rid of my friendships because they are very complicated friendships and I do not want to hang out with complicated people (Luis, 2023).

When he arrived in Saltillo, he looked for information on the trains that were making the route to Piedras Negras and, thanks to WhatsApp, he quickly obtained the necessary data: "Our contacts and friends who had already advanced were telling us through WhatsApp groups which routes to take. The recommendation was to reach Piedras Negras, Coahuila, to cross the Bravo River and reach Eagle Pass, Texas. The year was almost over and I couldn't get there" (Luis, 2023).

After being detained in Ciudad Juarez and sent to the south of Mexico for his immigration status to be determined, Luis found himself without resources, but he still hoped to be able to get back on a train and receive help in the shelters. The return trip to Mexico City went smoothly. Luis was aware that, as he approached Apizaco, he would have to go through some immigration controls, so he planned to get off the moving train shortly before arriving and walk a few kilometers to avoid them. Reaching Huehuetoca on this occasion was easier. Once there, Luis contacted other migrants through WhatsApp and was informed about the early departure of groups he could join: "In those rail yards you will see hundreds of migrants climbing on the trains, whole families and women with children in their arms ride there" (Luis, 2023).

The experience of Edis, Nanys and their son highlights a critical facet that requires further attention: the risks and vulnerabilities faced by migrants in the digital realm. In particular, incidents of kidnapping and extortion rely heavily on criminals' access to the contact information and social networks of migrants' family and friends.

On Monday, November 13, at 6:00 a.m. they took a bus to Reynosa. Before arriving in the city, they encountered an immigration checkpoint where they were asked to pay a "cooperation" of 1,000 pesos per person. Shortly after, they encountered another checkpoint, this time from the National Guard, with a similar demand. During the trip, they maintained contact with friends and family via WhatsApp to inform them of their proximity to the border. At 1:58 p.m. they shared images revealing their exact location. Just before arriving at the bus terminal, a vehicle with armed men intercepted them and took them off the bus without giving them the option to resist. They were taken to a safe house in several vehicles. Upon arrival, they confiscated their documents and cell phones and ordered them to pay $800 per person to the criminal group, including the child. The kidnappers made it clear that they did not care whether the victims had the money or not; the family members had to get it even if they had to borrow or sell property.

On Tuesday, November 14, the kidnappers used WhatsApp to communicate with a relative and discuss the details for the release. Their messages were clear and urgent: they had to collect the money as quickly as possible, stressing that the child's safety was at stake. Edis' brother, a resident of Panama, was in charge of coordinating the payment. Raising such a sum in a short time was complicated and Nanys' family was not in a position to contribute. One of the dialogues with the kidnappers can be heard on a recording of the call with a relative:

-No, you're going to go to hell, I already told you, wey, who I had spoken to on audio, we had arranged to meet. How much money do you have?
-Aló.
-Wey, how much do you carry, how much do you carry?
-My friend, I don't know, I was talking to them, let's see, but it is very complicated for them. I told you that they had no money, those people have no money, that child's family has no money. You are asking for money that these people do not have, they are poor. If it rains they practically get their house wet, they live very humbly.
-But, how are they going to do it, wey, am I going to support them or what, wey?
-You got the wrong ones because they don't have money.
-Well, how do you see that I'm going to send them to the cock or look, we'll take an organ out of the child, how do you see?I'm talking to you, wey!
-Aha, but tell me, what can I do?
-Well, talk to the family, pass me the number of their family, wey.
-There's a brother of theirs who wrote to you, isn't there?
-Tell him to write to me, dial him.
-Ok.
-Look, tell them, wey, that they want to take the child, tell them in short.
-I ask you to have it ready tomorrow, because it's really bad, otherwise there will be problems. Ask for loans, do something or help them.

The next day, the kidnapper contacted the relatives again and asked, "How much money do you have?" He also sent them a recording of Edis begging them to do what they could to help them and secure his release. Since the relatives were unable to raise the required amount by the deadline, the kidnappers increased the demand to $1,000. After six days of anguished waiting and the payment of three thousand dollars, Edis, Nanys and their son were finally released, although the kidnappers kept their cell phones. After this ordeal, they received help from a Christian pastor they met through social networks, who offered them refuge in his home. However, the fear of going out on the street persisted in them. According to their testimony "what happened was a very hard moment, a moment that we did not expect, but from which, thanks to God, we were able to get out" (Edis, 2023).

Discussion

The cases of Luis, Edis and Nanys reveal how migrants, social media and digital platforms interact, transforming not only ways of navigation and survival, but also introducing new risks and vulnerabilities. While the power of networks lies in overcoming the limitations of space and time by facilitating instant and ubiquitous communication (Castells, 2006), as evidenced by Luis, Edis and Nanys' use of WhatsApp, Facebook and other platforms to obtain critical information and stay connected with their communities, one must also reflect on the processes of exclusion and inequality they generate, as manifested in digital security risks and exposure to criminal acts, evidenced in the kidnapping of Edis and Nanys. The social capital facilitated by digital social networks (Putnam, 2000) is observed in the ability of migrants to make informed decisions and overcome obstacles through shared information. However, this interaction can expose them to risks, as personal and location information can be exploited by malicious actors, as in the case of the kidnapping of Edis and Nanys.

The paradox of connectivity (Van Dijck, 2013) is clearly manifested in the migration context: while digital interconnectedness provides migrants with essential tools for navigation and communication, it also exposes them to increased vulnerability. The cybersecurity literature (Kshetri, 2013) highlights that migrants, by relying on digital networks, become easy targets for cybercrime, including extortion, kidnapping and other forms of exploitation. This vulnerability is exacerbated by a lack of knowledge and resources to protect themselves in the digital environment.

To maximize the benefits of digital platforms and minimize risks, it is important to implement effective strategies. One of the most important is digital security education for migrants. This education should address topics such as privacy protection, identification of online threats, and secure management of personal information. Digital literacy is critical to empower users and reduce their vulnerability to cybercrime (Guess and Munger, 2023).

The development of secure applications specifically designed for the needs of migrants is also critical. These applications should include encrypted communication functions, secure location and access to verified information on routes and services. Hence the importance of designing technologies that consider the specific circumstances of users, thereby improving their efficiency and security (Nguyen, 2022) In addition, transnational collaboration is necessary to protect migrants from online exploitation. This collaboration can include information sharing between governments, non-governmental organizations and technology companies to develop policies and practices that ensure the digital safety of those forced to migrate; strategic partnerships across sectors are critical to creating a safe and trusted digital environment.

Connectivity can also be empowering: social media and digital platforms have given way to new forms of community and social support characterized by dispersed but powerful personal connections. This aspect is reflected in how Luis, Edis and Nanys used digital networks to obtain critical information and maintain contact with supportive communities. Both social media and digital platforms function as navigation and support systems that extend social capital across geographic boundaries (Rainie and Wellman, 2012). On the other hand, collective self-efficacy in digital environments (Bandura, 2001; Battinto, 2013) explains how migrant groups on WhatsApp and other digital platforms strengthen the perception of their ability to collectively overcome migration challenges. This sense of efficacy is built and reinforced through the sharing of success stories, advice, and words of encouragement.

The digitization of the migration experience is not without risks. The violation of privacy norms can have serious consequences for migrants, as evidenced by the kidnapping and extortion of the Venezuelan family. The conceptualization of "spaces of digital vulnerability" (Leurs and Smets, 2018) argues that migrants navigate digital spaces permeated by power inequalities and exposure to surveillance and control (Nissenbaum, 2009).

The governance of digital platforms highlights the responsibility of technology companies to moderate content and protect their users (Gillespie, 2018). Policies and practices need to provide safe digital environments where migrants can seek support without fear of exploitation or surveillance. In that sense, "critical digital literacy" (Hobbs, 2011) emerges as an essential competency that enables migrants to access and effectively use digital technologies, understanding and critically questioning their implications. Digital literacy education for migrants can strengthen their ability to navigate digital spaces safely and effectively.

Conclusions

Digital platforms, such as WhatsApp, Telegram and Google Maps, are predominantly used for private communications and provide migrants with essential tools to coordinate their movements, receive alerts about dangers and stay in touch with family members and fellow travelers. WhatsApp, in particular, has proven to be a vital tool for instant communication and the transmission of critical information in real time. On the other hand, social media such as Facebook and TikTok serve as public platforms where migrants share their experiences, obtain information about routes and resources, and find emotional and logistical support in migrant digital communities.

These digital platforms and social media have facilitated the creation of digital communities that transcend geographic borders. In these spaces, migrants exchange advice, strengthen their collective identities and fight for their migration rights. This digital interaction has enabled the formation of transnational social capital, in which shared information and mutual support play a crucial role in making informed decisions and overcoming obstacles during the migration journey. However, digital connectivity also introduces significant vulnerabilities. The exposure of personal and location data can be exploited by malicious actors, as evidenced by the kidnapping of Edis and Nanys. This paradox of connectivity, in which the tool that empowers also violates, highlights the need to rethink and reflexively analyze the use of these technologies.

To mitigate these risks, it is urgent to develop and promote critical digital literacy among migrants. Providing education on digital security, privacy protection and information trustworthiness assessment is essential to empower migrants and reduce their vulnerability to cybercrime. Implementing robust digital security measures and developing secure applications specifically designed for migrants' needs are critical steps in creating safe digital environments. In addition, it is crucial to foster transnational collaboration between governments, civil society organizations, technology platforms and migrants themselves. Creating comprehensive policies that address both the opportunities and challenges of digital migration is essential to ensure that the digital age is an empowering force for migrants. This collaboration can include the sharing of information and best practices among different actors to develop policies and practices that ensure the digital security of migrants.

Digital connectivity can be a source of empowerment by providing a sense of collective self-efficacy whereby migrants feel able to overcome challenges through mutual support and information sharing. However, it is necessary to question whether this perceived empowerment actually strengthens existing vulnerability. The sense of empowerment may be illusory if it is not accompanied by concrete measures to protect migrants from digital risks; therefore, it is essential that they understand and critically question the implications of their interaction with digital technologies. Future research could focus on better understanding how different migrant populations use and are affected by digital technologies, with the goal of informing the development of more effective interventions and policies.

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Alberto Hernandez Hernandez D. in Sociology from the Complutense University of Madrid. Professor-researcher of the Department of Public Administration Studies at El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, president of that institution from 2017 to 2022. Member of the National System of Researchers, level iii. He has been a professor in Colombia and Spain and a visiting researcher at the University of California, San Diego, and at the Instituto Universitario Ortega y Gasset, Spain. He is currently a visiting researcher at the Universidad de los Andes. Recent publications: Alberto Hernández and Amalia Campos-Delgado (coords.) (2022). Migration and mobility in the Americas. Buenos Aires and Mexico: Siglo xxi and clacsoAlberto Hernández, R. Cruz (coords.) (2021). Geographies of sex work in Latin America's frontiers. Tijuana: El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. Lines of research: Borders, international migration and cultural studies.

Carlos S. Ibarra is an anthropologist trained at the National School of Anthropology and History, Master in Social Anthropology from the School of Anthropology and History of Northern Mexico and PhD in cultural studies from El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. He is a specialist in emerging Christian movements, processes of religious deconstruction, conservative political identities in the United States, migration and mental health. He is currently a Researcher x Mexico of the Secretariat of Science, Humanities, Technology and Innovation, Mexico assigned to the School of Anthropology and History of Northern Mexico. He has coordinated field work for several projects related to religious change, migration and refugee issues. He has taught at institutions such as El Colegio de Michoacán and El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. Member of the sni.

Arturo Fabian J. D. in cultural studies from El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. He is currently a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Guadalajara. He is a researcher and documentary filmmaker with extensive experience in the study of religious phenomena and popular religiosity in Mexico, as well as in the analysis of migration and violence against migrants in regions such as the Darien Gap. She is a specialist in the analysis of unofficial cults and the production of salvation goods, with a particular focus on the figure of Jesus Malverde. Her work combines ethnographic and photographic methods to document and analyze the practices and beliefs of diverse religious communities. In addition, she has researched and documented the plight of migrants, using video documentary production to capture their experiences and make visible the violations of their human rights. She has presented her research at national and international conferences and has published several articles in specialized journals, in which she presents a more complete and accessible vision of religious and migratory dynamics in contemporary contexts.

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