Abstract

This photographic essay intends to show some of the results of the ground research carried out within the context of a doctoral dissertation, during the months of July through September of 2014 in Ceuta, as well as Melilla and locations near the Spanish-Moroccan border. As the text shows, the maritime enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla have once had a crucial geostrategic position in the Mediterranean. Currently, its purpose as an external European border in the African continent has been reinforced with the securitization of the border region to contain the threats related to criminal activities and “undesired” trans-Mediterranean migration, although it has also ended up affecting “atypical” trade or trafficking with Morocco.

Keywords: borders, irregular migration, militarization, porters, securitization

Traveling the spanish-moroccan border: a historical and visual tour. Field experiences in a border landscape

This photographic essay intends to show some of the results of the ground research carried out within the context of a doctoral dissertation, during the months of July through September of 2014 in Ceuta, as well as Melilla and locations near the Spanish-Moroccan border. As the text shows, the maritime enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla have once had a crucial geostrategic position in the Mediterranean. Currently, its purpose as an external European border in the African continent has been reinforced with the securitization of the border region to contain the threats related to criminal activities and “undesired” trans-Mediterranean migration, although it has also ended up affecting “atypical” trade or trafficking with Morocco.

Keywords: securitization, borders, irregular migration, militarization, carriers.

The securitization of the Spanish-Moroccan border

Since its beginnings, States have needed to delimit their space by means of borders for surveillance and the exercise of power over their domains. Originally the border limits of ancient civilizations contained a great symbolic charge, due to the character they had in their role of defining the community (Cairo, 2001: 36; Plaza, 2010), but over time they evolved until they became a military element of transcendental importance, as they are used to mark the area of possible contact with an enemy army and with the purpose of deterring attacks by invading towns (Díez-Torre, 2016).

This function would be perpetuated during medieval times, since the walls and fortresses continued to represent an element of security and refuge from external sieges and armed confrontations, and reinforced the collective identity of the populations within (Brown, 2015; Rodríguez Ortiz, 2015). Precisely in its Mediterranean meaning, the border was considered the end of the earth and separated Christians from infidels. This Castilian-Portuguese concept that ruled in the century xv served to justify the presence of European positions in North Africa whose purpose was to curb Maghreb pressure (Jover, 1963: 207, cited by Vilar, 2003), so that when the cities of Ceuta and Melilla were annexed to the Crown of Castile, became the advanced frontiers in the land of Islam (Aziza, 2011).

However, for Muslim law, the border constituted the limit that indicated that intermediate space of common use, determined naturally by a river, mountain range or geographical feature, and not by an abstract territorial demarcation. This was an aspect that would give rise to continuous hostilities and disputes for the dominance of that African region, which prevented the extension of the border limits beyond them for a long time (Vilar and Vilar, 2002). As a result of this situation, several treaties were signed between Spain and Morocco, through which the line that separated both countries was modified, until the African War (1859-1860) broke out. With the Treaty of Tetouan of 1860, the conflict would end and the border perimeter that has survived during the protectorate and to the present day was formed, despite the fact that, after the independence process, Morocco has systematically claimed its historical and natural borders (Gómez-Barceló, 2009).

During the protectorate stage, Morocco represented for Spain the last colonial stronghold that allowed it to show the world its image of power, in such a way that in the imaginary of the time, these "outposts of civilization" (Franke, Weizman and Geisler, 2003, cited by Johnson and Jones, 2018: 60) fulfilled the function of putting in order the nearby barbarism. However, after the decolonization process, the bilateral relations between Spain and Morocco around the border territory of this strip of the western Mediterranean oscillated between disagreement, with numerous territorial disputes, and rapprochement, driven especially by their relationship of economic interdependence ( Velasco de Castro, 2014: 184). Because of this, they have had to sign various treaties, memoranda, conventions and agreements in order to favor the economic interests of the geographic area they share, in addition to modernizing their border crossings and strengthening the security of the area. This is an aspect that has also ended up affecting cross-border trade that takes place in the Melilla-Nador corridor and the Ceuta-Tetuán corridor.

On the other hand, after Spain's accession to the Schengen Agreement in June 1991, its integrationist position was reinforced thanks to the implementation of the visa and border closure policy, which started the process of waterproofing the crossings. by raising and reinforcing the barriers with barbed wire and other dissuasive devices (Rodier, 2013; Ferrer Gallardo, 2018). These measures pushed migrants from the Maghreb to cross the waters of the Strait of Gibraltar in boats; they would be followed by those from Sub-Saharan Africa. The immediate consequence was the reinforcement of the control of irregular entries along the coasts (De Haas, March 19, 2014). However, at the same time, the free transit of goods and of some Moroccan citizens from the cities of Tetouan and Nador, with which Ceuta and Melilla maintained (and maintain) commercial links of special relevance, was selectively favored, which would give rise to new patterns of circular mobility of the bordering population (Ribas-Mateos, 2005: 236). In addition, the absence of international customs has given way to the presence of a large underground economy sustained thanks to the exchange of goods between the border areas of both countries (Velasco de Castro, 2014: 2). For this reason, both in Ceuta and in Melilla there have been daily and pendular movements of cross-border workers, street vendors and “porters” working in “atypical commerce” or contraband until the border closings.

With the globalization process, the notion of border has been progressively associated with a security discourse where the priority of nation-states is to regulate trade flows between countries and of the “subject-objects that transit them” (Mendiola, 2012: 448). In other words, the porosity and lack of rigidity for the transit of goods have been accompanied by physical and administrative barriers to free mobility for unwanted people (Heyman, 2011), which makes the border a “bridge or wall based on of the ability that individuals have to move through it ”(Lacoste, 1993; Crosswell, 2006, cited by Ananou and Jiménez, 2016: 171). Likewise, the growing concern for security has raised human mobility to the emergency status, associating those people who come from beyond the western borders with sources of organized crime and international terrorism.

Thus, the location of Ceuta and Melilla as external borders of the EU and Morocco's position as a privileged partner that has given it an “advanced status” (Rodier, 2013: 93) within the European space as of 2008 have made it an essential geostrategic point to fight against the terrorist threat, organized transnational crime. around drug trafficking and human trafficking. But also against irregular migration from the African continent, which is one of the issues that has generated the most controversies between Morocco and Spain (Hernando de Larramendi and Bravo, 2005: 207). It should not be forgotten that Morocco, traditionally a source of emigrants, has become a destination and transit nation for people from West and Central Africa heading to Europe (Khachani, 2006). Likewise, after the 9/11 attacks, massive illegal immigration was considered a new emerging risk, so the priority of the political class was the design of a European foreign action strategy through which migration and border control was outsourced involving third countries. Consequently, Morocco began to receive funding from the EU to relocate and displace at a good price the exercise of migration control outside the European sphere (Rodier, 2013: 94).

Likewise, as agreed by the EU In Tampere (1999), Laeken (2001) and Seville (2002), the control of entries by sea was expanded through the activation of the Integrated External Surveillance System (Yes go), which incorporated military technology radars for long-distance interception of vessels in the waters of the Strait of Gibraltar, the Andalusian coast and the Canary Islands. Later it would receive support from the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (frontex), a quasi-military body for air, maritime and land border surveillance, whose effectiveness led to irregular migration routes being diverted to land borders (De Haas, March 19, 2014). Since then, migrants and refugees in transit who are concentrated in the nearby forests remain stranded and exposed to the dangers of nature or the brutality of the Moroccan authorities, as is also the case in urban settlements. But if they manage to access the cities of Ceuta and Melilla, they are blocked and there is repeated cases of saturation in the government centers where the first reception is provided, especially when there has been a peak in arrivals.

The methodological approach

As Whyte (2006) emphasizes “architecture is a text that can be read” (Whyte, 2006: 154). That is, the structures of the walls, fences and fortifications of sovereign entities can also be understood, by analogy with language, as a code capable of communicating what the intentions of their rulers are. To understand how these complex security infrastructures had been integrated into the landscape of the border cities of Ceuta and Melilla (Braudel, 1993; Brown, 2015), history was related to ethnographic work. On the one hand, the historical perspective constitutes a key tool to understand the contexts and political changes that affect the systems that exist to exercise border control within a specific temporal and spatial framework (Mora, 2013: 24).

On the other hand, recourse to ethnographic methodologies enables the research gaze to focus on individuals (Durand, 2012: 59) who are affected by the security logic. Consequently, in the design of the methodical information collection strategy (Mora, 2013: 32-33) a qualitative approach was followed, since its flexibility and adaptability could give the research action a greater degree of creativity (González Gil, 2008 : 5). The tools selected were unstructured direct observation, in-depth interviews and visual ethnography based on the use of photography.

For the development of the research, all the material means that were within our reach were used (Hernández Sampieri, et al., 2006: 25), which included a camera, a tape recorder and a diary. As a preliminary step, an initial immersion in the field was carried out, with the aim of reaching a certain awareness with the environment and to try to identify the key informants. This activity was based on the contemplation of phenomena, actions, processes and situations in their natural setting, maintaining a holistic vision. The data collection technique was open (Folgueiras, 2009), field notes were taken and an anecdote was also included.

As for the photographs, they were used as support to help understand the observed social phenomena and their context through the taking of images (Salazar-Peralta, 1997). In addition, it was considered that they could constitute an extraordinary tool as a data collection technique (Collier Jr., 2006; Arango and Pérez, 2008: 131; González Gil, 2008: 5-6), since, although the photographic activity is its own From the artistic field, it opens up new investigative possibilities that serve the objective of interdisciplinarity, thereby extending our perception (Collier and Collier, 1986: 5; Pink, 2009: 2-3). According to Arango and Pérez (2008: 132), visual ethnography makes observation have a different approach, since it is a way of representing and interpreting reality that leads to “a multisensory approach to the contexts, subjects and objects” that are examined (Arango and Pérez, 2008: 133). Furthermore, the photographs themselves can serve as a notebook (Orobitg, 2014: 4). According to Collier and Collier (1986: 16-19), the images captured with a photographic camera fulfill an illustrative function, therefore they not only help to preserve the first impressions experienced in the field, but also accelerate the process of understanding social reality object of study when there is still limited knowledge about it.

At the end of the day, these images have a high descriptive power (Salazar-Peralta, 1997) and can acquire various meanings depending on the context in which they are seen, or the people who are looking at them (Arango and Pérez, 2008: 132; Pink, 2009: 67-68; Vila, 2012: 286). Added to this is the fact that the photographer is not only capable of showing with his frame what he has fixed his attention on and that escapes the everyday eye, but it is possible that he captures other images whose inclusion had not been foreseen (Piette , 1996: 150, cited by Orobitg, 2014: 4). For this reason, as Freixa, Redondo Arolas and Córdova (2016: 4) emphasize, the photographer plays a role in his position as an observer that distinguishes him from other people.

Map 1

Cities where field work was carried out for the doctoral thesis project: Ceuta, Tetuán, Tangier, Larache, Melilla and Nador. South of Spain with squares of sovereignty. (2007). Polish Wikipedia: http://goo.gl/4c80sM and own elaboration.

This photographic essay is part of a doctoral thesis project with a comparative perspective in the field of international migration, which was started in the border city of Tijuana during an academic stay at El Colef. In order to reproduce the same methodology, the field work was carried out during the months of July to September 2014 in key points of the Spanish-Moroccan border, in execution of the
project funded by the Instituto de Estudios Ceutíes (Call for Research Grants, 2013). However, a crowdfunding campaign had to be carried out or crowdfunding on the platform throw us (Project of Social Research on Borders) to obtain more funds, which turned it into a collaborative project, in which patrons were informed of the progress of the activity through the Blog "Investigate in strange times" . Most of the photographs were taken by the colleague who also supported me in Tijuana, which is Sergio Torres Gallardo (except on the occasions when he was not authorized to accompany me), who contributed in this way a more artistic vision, although His professional role as a photographer was always subject "to the objectives of the study and the needs of the data" (Llop i Bayo, 1987: 129). In addition, and following Del Valle (2001), the images have been duly documented, contextualizing them and indicating who or what was photographed and what was to be reflected, by means of an explanatory text at the bottom of the photograph. Finally, with the photographic material that was selected as rewards for the monetary contributions, several exhibitions were held in university centers, cultural entities and associations both in Spain and in Mexico.

About the essay: field experiences in a border environment

Through this photographic essay we intend to convey the first impressions we had upon arriving at the Spanish-Moroccan border at a time of year that marked our stay in the first weeks, which is the Ramadan season, which began on June 29. and ended on July 28. Due to its status as the external border of the European Union and the Schengen Territory, during those dates there is a large traffic of vehicles and people in Ceuta that cross its land ports of entry. To this mobility is added that produced by the arrival of ferries and by Operation Paso del Estrecho (ope), developed since the mid-eighties in the summer, to facilitate the return to their countries of origin of a large number of Maghreb workers residing in Europe, and which has involved a major transformation in the lines that cover the Strait of Gibraltar (Sempere , 2011: 464). Precisely in that year, more than 2,864,211 passengers and 655,498 vehicles crossed the border (General Directorate of Civil Protection and Emergencies, no date). 

But this daily mobility is also carried out by people who are dedicated to the transnational activity of “porting”. This has been developed in the Polígono del Tarajal until it was banned in October 2019 (Europa Press, 2019), supplying the province of Tetouan through the daily or regular crossing of goods and products that are more expensive or non-existent in Morocco, for its subsequent retail sale for a value of 500 million euros per year (Rodríguez and Cáliz, 2015).

In addition, as in Melilla, a large part of the Muslim population of Ceuta is of Moroccan origin, which is concentrated in the peripheral neighborhoods of Benzú, Hadú and Príncipe Alfonso (a segregated neighborhood from the center of the city where there is a huge pocket of poverty). During Ramadan, Muslims eat breakfast and pray before dawn, and when night falls they meet with their families to break their fast, so the continuous sound of muezzins calling for prayer and the nightly hubbub surround you wherever you go. . However, and in contrast to this festive atmosphere, we soon came across a sad reality: that of the Syrian refugees who were camped as a protest in the Plaza de los Reyes, just two blocks from the place where we rented our new home. In that square, located next to the Government Delegation, almost a hundred people had been installed with their stores since May 5, 2014, including families with minors and four young Kurds without children, waiting for them to leave. resolved their files to enter the peninsula as refugees, since they had decided to leave the Center for the Temporary Stay of Immigrants (hereinafter ceti), as it is not able to accommodate families.

Indeed, since Ceuta and Melilla are outside the Schengen area, asylum seekers are not transferred to the territory of mainland Spain until they obtain this right, so that when their applications are admitted they lack freedom of movement and cannot access a work, so many end up withdrawing them. Although the Spanish Government gave in to pressure and dramatically accelerated the files and transfers of Syrian refugees in both autonomous cities, this was not the case with sub-Saharan refugees, who tend to occupy the bottom echelon of humanitarian protection systems. (Schindel, 2017).

After this initial impact, we decided to continue touring the city, while trying to learn more about the history of this place where, until the beginning of the century, Moroccans could enter the military squares when the morning cannon sounded, having to leave them. with the cannon in the evening. We were able to verify that part of the Ceuta did not experience the situation of the fence as their own, as happened with the slave labor of the porters or with the abandonment that existed in the Príncipe neighborhood, whose Muslim population has been explicitly related to Islamic fundamentalism (Rodríguez, 2014).

So it has been possible to create a safe space away from the periphery, where people live in a world isolated from the social problems that plague them, that is, from the movement of goods, from the businesses that operate in the neighborhood associated with traffic drugs and people, or the radicalization of young Muslims who are linked to jihadist terrorism. Although also of the reality that exists around the border fence, in which violations of the human rights of migrants are a constant.

In conclusion, in order to collect all these questions, this essay is structured in four photographic series. In the first of them, a brief tour is made through the historical past of the autonomous cities through their walls and fortifications, to go on to show in the second part how the securitization of migratory control and the militarization of the fences has affected the lives of migrants and refugees who try to cross borders irregularly. Below are some of the images that were captured during Ramadan in Ceuta and Larache. Finally, the trial closes with the "porting" activities that have been taking place at the border crossings until their recent closure.

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María Isolda Perelló Carrascosa. Work Team of the Research Group on Migration and Development Processes of the University of Valencia (Inmeasure). Doctor in Social Sciences from the University of Valencia (2015-2019), Research line: migration, mobility and social change. Thesis co-directed by the University of Valencia and El Colef (Tijuana). Master in Development Cooperation for the uv (2011-2013). Research lines: irregular migration, border control migration policy, detention and deportation procedures, and the role of civil society in the field of humanitarian aid and defense of human rights on the borders of Mexico-United States / Spain -Morocco. orcid: 0000-0002-3682-0356