mead<\/span> is located in the highest part of the land and three kilometers away from the church and central missionary base led by Pastor Marcio.<\/p>\n\n\n\nAs social institutions, the churches led by both leaders encompass three key dimensions: 1) an extended personal and family enterprise, oriented to the construction of social, political and economic relevance from the possession of institutional positions, the extension of interpersonal networks, the obtaining and management of resources; 2) a space\/time - the \u201ccult\u201d - of highly ritualized and corporeally participatory spiritual sociability, in which emotional and therapeutic devices prove crucial; 3) a domesticated scenario of indigenous modernity, as a religious formation between-medium, or bridge, social and cultural reproduction (language, marriage alliances, leadership and descendants) and integration into the \u201ccriollo\u201d or \u201cwhite\u201d world: bureaucratic organization, technologies, cultural styles, support or financing networks, state agencies, political parties and\/or officials, and so on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The pastor leader of a congregation aspires to achieve some improvement for his church, especially for anniversaries, changing the roof or floor, enlarging the hall, adding chairs or benches, installing bathrooms outside the building, painting the front and buying music and audio equipment. Achieving these improvements is a positive sign for the believers, because it shows that the church leadership \u201cdoes things right\u201d, as a friend told me about Pedro's church and the important material changes it had made for the anniversary in question. This logic is incorporated in a cultural conception in which churches -their walls, roofs, music equipment, floors and pews- are revealed as materialities charged with numinous and social power. The former in direct relation to the healing practices and the combat with the \u201cevil spirits\u201d that produce it; the latter given the symbol of relevance and recognition it assumes for the pastor, his group of close relatives and the congregation of the faithful.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The tests that certify the integrity of a chief shepherd are measured by his physical health, his oratory capacity in worship services, his talent as a mediator in internal quarrels, his moral integrity and his theological knowledge, which in turn metaphorize the degree of relationship with non-indigenous pastors, missionaries or external agencies. The physical illness or infirmity of a leader assumes a worrisome condition in the indigenous perception of the Chaco peoples, interpreted as a diminution of power or a direct attack by a negative spiritual force (Wright, 1990). This issue, as we will observe shortly, did not go unnoticed on the anniversary of Misi\u00f3n La Loma.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
On this cultural pattern, church anniversaries performatively exhibit these characteristics, since the hospitality of local representatives becomes a key exercise for the (re)production of leadership. In this way, the Qom or Wich\u00ed pastor who leads a congregation commands a group of relatives, relatives and allies who must demonstrate the possibilities of receiving guests from other churches and places, who must be lodged and -above all- fed for one or two nights. Mobility is paid for by the invited travelers (either individually or in groups of musicians and dancers), depending on the economic help that their congregations can give them from the offerings of the faithful or family help.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Each anniversary shows a guest policy, a pragmatic and situational game for each event, in which indigenous or non-indigenous, local or foreign preachers, musicians and political leaders usually make their place. Inviting pastors from neighboring churches is enriched by the presence of Creole pastors, whose geographical distance is revealed as a sign of prestige. Thus, in this cumulative and inclusive logic, the participation of indigenous leaders from different localities of the territory achieves charismatic power with visitors from Rosario (province of Santa Fe), La Plata or Buenos Aires, or from neighboring countries such as Paraguay and Bolivia. These visits show the networks of allies of the leaders of each church, a fundamental political capital. In the case of the groups of dancers and musicians, the distance is also a sign of importance, although what is crucial is the presence of both and the number of visiting groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Every celebration begins with the performance of the \u201cpraise movement\u201d, integrated in an organized manner by the different music and dance groups, then continues with the preaching of the pastor, followed by new choruses and dances, as well as the final instance of blessings and requests for healing from the parishioners. Each group presents its own musical, aesthetic and choreographic repertoire, but all of them share a style, a characteristic and mimetic way of performing and exhibiting, observable in the costumes: long satin dresses and bright colors for women, skirts and aprons with strips hanging in symbolically representative colors for women and men, musical tones and synchronized body movements. Underlining the above, dance groups are enclaves of relationships between young people and adults, spaces for meeting and searching for partners and places of expression of contemporary cultural sensitivities, where local-regional and global aesthetics and choreographies converge (Dance of the wheel, The big round, Dance of the tambourine<\/em>, etc.). The costumes and paraphernalia of the dances (headbands, canes, glasses, etc.) and, even, those who do not wear clothes and only cross their yica<\/em> (traditional bag) with the Bible inside, express unambiguously forms of identity self-recognition or, in the classic Barthian terms, the definition of ethnic boundaries based on identity aesthetics.<\/p>\n\n\n\nLikewise, these ceremonies form scenarios for the discursive affirmation of the religious community to reinscribe fundamental meanings regarding the future of the church or mission, in the key of a generally epic and sacrificial narrative. The main pastors and leaders preach about the missionaries, evangelists or founding pastors, about the construction of the church and those who participated in its creation. Also, the members who died in the last year and the donations that were received to build the church and to cover the expenses of the anniversary celebration are usually mentioned. Finally, the groups of preachers, dancers and musicians invited to the festive gathering are thanked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
An analysis of two concrete and different situations, ethnographically investigated in two church anniversaries led by Pastor Pedro and Pastor Marcio, will allow us to account for these dimensions and to focus on three key issues: the regimes of consensus and dissent involved, the ways in which the charisma of their leaders grows or wanes, and the aesthetic mediations involved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Peter's church: the anniversary as a reinforcement of the charisma<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Pedro was born in La Primavera sixty years ago. Since 1996 he has been the senior pastor of the Foursquare del Fondo, the oldest and most recognized of the other three congregations of this denomination. The colony comprises a territory of 5,000 hectares, inhabited by Qom Takshek families of the area who in 1937 gathered around the Emmanuel Evangelical Mission directed by the Englishman John Church until 1951. Of medium height, curved nose, good physical appearance, the pastor speaks fluently, but without haste, reinforcing the important words. He lives in a well-maintained house of materials, with a well-kept garden, Creole-style country chairs. His wife is also a pastor of the church and leads the \u201cladies quadrangular\u201d, a space for female sociability, biblical education and organization of dance groups. Pedro embodies with prestige the type of contemporary pastor, who worked as a bilingual assistant teacher, with an excellent command of Spanish and an interest in the public affairs of the colony: the management for water wells, the reforms of the health center or the improvements in the internal roads, among others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We met more than 20 years ago, during the anniversary of his church, which included the inauguration of a new temple next to the old one, which became a place for Bible classes with evident signs of material progress: cement floor, brick walls with wide windows and sheet metal roof. As a religious leader respected within the other congregations and community leaders, the anniversary of the church was an important event in those days. It was Miguel, a nurse and friend very committed to his faith and linked to the historical families of the settlement, who invited me to accompany him to the celebration. He told me that an important pastor from Buenos Aires who was campaigning in the area would attend and that there would be a big celebration afterwards with locro (typical stew) and soft drinks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
On every anniversary, once the worship service is over, the big meal is one of the most important moments and long boards are set up to organize the tables. The collective eating is in these events as expected as the healing session by the Holy Spirit. It is not an aggregate or a superfluous event, it is the final act of a \u201ctotal social event\u201d, in which the meal imprints another affective and value dimension.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
There were few seats left in the church and the musical bands had started the \u201cpraise movement\u201d. A few women danced in short concentric circles in front of the church. The anniversary was opened with the singing of the national anthem and the denominational hymn of the \u201cFoursquare\u201d. Then, the invited groups of musicians resumed the praises, to which Pastor Pedro also added his voice, welcoming those present, remembering the founding members of the church, thanking the music groups and, in a special way, \u201cPastor Tito from Buenos Aires, who came here to share this celebration with us and preach the word\u201d. The atmosphere was prepared.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Another church leader spoke at qom'lactaq<\/em> (Qom language) to those present and, in Spanish, invited Pastor Tito to preach. He began his speech, in the usual Pentecostal testimony of self-celebration, narrating how he overcame a life of addictions by surrendering to God and emphasizing that the ministry he leads has managed to \u201cget many young people off the street and off drugs\u201d. Then, after clarifying that it was not his intention to offend anyone, he explained: \u201cBefore knowing the \u2018gospel\u2019, the aborigine was in the countryside just like the drug addict in the city, forgotten, beaten, used, naked, without direction, tied to vices and poverty\u201d. He then continued with the comparison, pointing out how surrender to Christ was the only solution to get out of that state of existential dispossession. The audience remained quiet and the sermon was not very well received by the people in effusive terms, but rather cautious, not very expressive, almost indifferent, few clapping hands, some soft \u201calleluia\u201d. Nervous in this climate, the Buenos Aires pastor spoke louder and louder thinking that the people were not interested in his talk, to the point of openly rebuking the audience for being \u201clukewarm\u201d or \u201cinattentive\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\nFinally came the big meal: the tables were set outside and a good part of the attendees enjoyed the locro. The pastor talked with his Creole counterpart from Buenos Aires and other Qom leaders, all in a festive and relaxed atmosphere. The situation did not seem to have affected the spirit of the event and the charisma of \u201cPedro's church\u201d. However, interested in understanding how the preaching of the invited Creole pastor had been received, the next day I asked Miguel what had happened. \u201cIt's just that this pastor didn't understand anything,\u201d he answered me, warning that the people had been quiet because that was what the native leaders had asked him to do before the service began. \u201cListen to the word, be attentive to what is being preached\u201d, they had said in qom'lactac<\/em>. The exhortation is not minor and contains a historical theme that has strained indigenous Christianity in Chaco since its origins: the relationship between preaching, teachings and knowledge of the Bible and the collective practices of dancing, singing and emotional ecstasy. The overbearing style and ethnocentric metaphors of the guest pastor did not dent Pastor Pedro's reputation and the emotional and aesthetic strength of the anniversary, with its groups of guest musicians and community pastors. Today his congregation continues to be the most active Foursquare church in the colony.<\/p>\n\n\n\nLa Loma Mission: the anniversary as a ritualization of the conflict<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Misi\u00f3n La Loma was founded in 1962 after the relocation of the indigenous evangelical mission that Norwegian and Swedish missionaries organized in the town of Embarcaci\u00f3n during the 1930s. It is a multi-ethnic settlement, made up of intertwined families descended from Wich\u00ed relatives from the southern band of the Bermejo (Salta) and southern Bolivia, Qom from western Formosa and southern Bolivia, and a few Guaran\u00ed families from northern Salta.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Until 1995, the Norwegian missionaries were in charge of the work, whose headquarters and missionary house resides in the village, three kilometers away. Between 1995 and 2000, a conflict arose between the Norwegian and national leaderships of the mead<\/span>, which implied the definitive separation from the Nordic tutelage after 80 years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\u201cWhen the Norwegian missionaries were there, the \u2018paisanos\u2019 said yes to everything, now with me it's a different thing,\u201d Marcio, a Creole of Wich\u00ed descent (his maternal grandfather was a pioneer indigenous evangelist of the work) and senior pastor of the institution since 2000, told me. His words sought to express the complexities of his leadership among the indigenous members of the church, marked by political conflicts, territorial claims and mutual distrust. In fact, the La Loma Mission congregation became progressively isolated and autonomous in its way of worshipping: neither the inhabitants of the congregation go to the central church on Sundays, nor do the main pastor or other non-indigenous leaders regularly participate in activities in the aboriginal community, as they used to do in the time of the Norwegian missionaries. The situation opened the possibility of a symbolic negotiation between Marcio and the indigenous leaders regarding the style of the religious ceremonies, which were acquiring dances and ceremonial forms by direct influence of the churches of Formosa and Chaco, a fact that caused important conflicts with the Norwegian leaders at that time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In this context, it was not surprising that the celebrations for the 50th anniversary of Misi\u00f3n La Loma, in October 2012, condensed all these frictions. For our purposes, I will focus on one event as an \u201cinterpreted meaning\u201d, according to Sahlins (1988): the performance<\/em> of reparation in the indigenous worship celebration in Misi\u00f3n La Loma.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe Saturday night service was the epicenter of the celebration in the community. Marcio could not miss it, even though he was suffering from a strong pain in his right ankle that made it difficult for him to walk well. Several invited musical and dance groups from different churches and neighborhoods of Embarcaci\u00f3n and other neighboring towns were in charge of the praises. However, one of them acquired special relevance and managed to concentrate the attention of the whole audience: a musical and preaching band from the neighboring town of Pichanal, an ensemble formed by Guarani and Creole Indians. The ensemble, a singer-preacher and three accompanists -two with guitar, one with electric bass-, belonged to a \u201cfriendly church\u201d of one of the historical family and political elites of La Loma.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Once the songs ended, the guest singer-preacher announced that he was in an instance of prophetic revelation and that what he was observing there \u201cwas a very strong conflict within the church\u201d and that his special mission was to reconcile the crisis that was being revealed to him. This is how he called the general pastor and the other leaders to kneel down in front, below the stage, to be able to unblock together \u201cthe internal struggle and the unrest\u201d that exists in the church. Inserted in a situation from which he could not escape and limping with his aching foot, Marcio fulfilled the performance<\/em> and knelt with other leaders of the local church in front of the pastors in attendance. They, under the laying on of hands, prayed for the resolution of the danger that had germinated in the congregation, imploring for reconciliation and the union of the brethren. The musicians closely followed the rite of reparation, the audience also prayed loudly and raised their arms in unison. After a few songs of praise and words of thanksgiving, the anniversary service came to an end. All that remained was to participate in the final meal, which was held inside the church, and from which the senior pastor was absent due to his ailment and difficulty in walking.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe next day we talked with Marcio, who did not hide his anger and clarified that he had been deceived, that he had been used to make \u201call that farce of the prophecy\u201d. Undoubtedly, like all those present, the leader had felt the way in which the ritual thematized and exposed in a spiritual key the complexities of his leadership and the disputes and disputes of legitimacy that marked it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Now, what do both scenes suggest to us in relation to the importance of church anniversaries within the framework of a performance<\/em> What do both situations express regarding the tense articulations between cultural traditions and socio-community orders in the historical experience of these indigenous populations? The pattern that connects the first question is the presence of important guests and the differential reception, or co-participation, they had according to the social recognition of the chief shepherd in each specific context. The second question is positioned on a broader analytical scale that will function as a gateway to the conclusions of the paper.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe case of Pastor Pedro introduces us into a situation of cultural incommunication that exposes the ways in which the symbolic and social consensus of the festivities are generated from the meanings and evaluations that the congregation imprints. Indeed, and following Anne Taylor (2022: 69), \u201cin every social performance audiences are fundamental arbiters of its success or failure\u201d. The possibility of merger (or disunion) resulting from the performances<\/em> is a dialogic relationship involving the audience (members in our cases) and the main actors (local pastor and invited leaders, musicians and dancers). The role of the audience is central, since the participants are in charge of establishing interpretations and evaluations of the events, in which applause, verbal invocations (\u201challelujah\u201d, \u201cglory to God\u201d, \u201camen\u201d) and bodily dispositions (arms raised, pendular movements, standing or sitting) imprint, in their impetus or apathy, senses and affections of social recognition. Precisely, in this vertebral topic, the audience ruled in its passivity the inappropriateness of the actions and aggressive rhetoric of the guest pastor, a fact that far from contaminating Peter's charisma, confirmed it.<\/p>\n\n\n\nOn the other hand, the anniversary of Misi\u00f3n La Loma places us in a very different context and social climate. In this sense, both for the previous example and for this one, it is important to take into consideration the second analytical dimension: the historicity and disruptive folds of the social situation. This issue implies that the performances<\/em> The religious leaders analyzed had already established meanings, affections and legitimations of leadership. Just as Pedro's figure and leadership were socially valued by a good part of the people of Colonia Aborigen La Primavera (even by other leaders and members of different churches), Marcio's case was at the antipodes.<\/p>\n\n\n\nIn this sense, if on the anniversary of the Foursquare church the congregational charisma was not dented despite the questioning of the invited Creole pastor, what happened in Misi\u00f3n La Loma ritually exposed the tense relationship between various members and the religious leader. The performance<\/em> The social commentary on \u201cthe prophecy of the division in the church\u201d was interpreted by the local pastor as an attempt by a former rival of La Loma, who had been expelled from the congregation several years ago, to make him -literally- kneel down before everyone. The audience followed the script laid out by the musical ensemble and the preaching of the guest to pray for the prompt reparation of the conflict, making visible in a ritual key the complex chain of mutual resentments between the senior pastor, the indigenous religious and political leaders of La Loma and the local congregation. Although in this episode the control of the social situation was in the hands of the main guests (the group of musicians and preachers), the audience of local leaders and parishioners also acquired a central role in its staging.<\/p>\n\n\n\nFinal thoughts<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Throughout this paper we discuss the anniversary celebrations in the indigenous churches of Chaco from two analytical points of view: as cultural institutions and as a means of communication and communication. in<\/em> time and how performances<\/em> of personal reputation and collective charisma. Temporality refers us to a historical practice prior to the \u201cgospel\u201d movement, transformed by divergent processes of intercultural mediation and power relations in industrial and agricultural enclaves, Christian missions and the nation-state at its local and regional scales. On these ritualized celebrations of chieftaincy competitions, dances and intergroup feasts, we argue that contemporary church anniversaries constitute the nucleus that condenses, selects and actualizes their main social, symbolic, aesthetic and political \u201cunits or sets of relations\u201d (Lesser, 1933: 334). Along with the understanding of their historical conformation, in this inquiry we ethnographically observe anniversaries as \u201cthe most important social, symbolic, aesthetic and political units or sets of relations\" (Lesser, 1933: 334).\u201cperformances <\/em>social\u201d. The interweaving of oratory, music, dance and collective effervescence, the relationships between local actors, guests and audiences, as well as between accepted or objected religious practices, account for a social and historical creation of multiple dimensions. For the purposes of this research and in order to connect the ethnographic issues raised, we highlight two key dimensions of this cultural institution: a disruptive one, and an instituting one.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe first one situates us, on the one hand, in the processes linked to the configuration of ethnic and religious diversity within the Argentine nation-state and the subsequent national and provincial formations of social alterity (Briones, 2005). In the historical experience of the indigenous peoples of Chaco, the missionary attempts of Catholicism failed and the hegemonic narrative of their place as the religion of the homeland succumbed to the option for the \u201cgospel\u201d. In this context, the new religious identification acquired for these groups a cultural, political and aesthetic dimension of \u201cdifferentiation\u201d from Catholicism, its ritual forms and its status as a civic religion; and \u201cintegration\u201d to forms, styles of behavior, participation in partisan politics and desires to be perceived as \u201cmodern\u201d or, in the discourses of several elders, \u201ccivilized\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The disruptive effect with respect to the ideals of the national Constitution in depositing in the Catholic religion a sort of natural right for the \u201cconversion\u201d and \u201ccivilization\u201d of the indigenous people, was settled in a religious option understood by the protagonists themselves as a purification of their cultural patterns. In this structural ambivalence of the \u201cgospel\u201d there is a dynamic of social reproduction, symbolic creativity and cultural awareness, widened in the last two decades in the framework of various intercultural undertakings and new forms of indigenous agency.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Both the experience of the Foursquare in charge of Pastor Pedro and what happened in Misi\u00f3n La Loma are located in very different scenarios in their local and provincial trajectories; but they share an identity positioning in which self-recognition as indigenous, evangelical and Argentinean is central. This positioning also embodies a second cultural disruption, as the domestication by the Qom and Wich\u00ed groups of a cut imposed by the doxa<\/em> The evangelical missionary: the prohibition to continue with the dances of the ancients. As we have noticed, the dances currently form an institutionalized and expansive space with numerous groups and commissions. These articulate generational ranks and expose in their practices intergroup competitions, shamanic reconfigurations, new ritual costumes - whose shapes or colors, as in the Ghost Dance<\/em> among the Pawnee, they often arrive in dreams- and incorporation of recent visual technologies, rhythms and choreographies (Tola and Robledo, 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\nOn the other hand, we emphasize the instituting social dimension of church commemorations, inasmuch as performances<\/em> cultural that symbolically endorse an institution defined in its ethnic and sociological contours and its aesthetics of belonging. In this way, the anniversaries seek to (re)establish the consecration of a positive continuity between the congregation, its founding stories and its current leaders by achieving its relational efficacy or \u201carc of fusion\u201d, in Taylor's (2022) terms, between actors and audiences. As we observed from the ethnographic situations, indigenous church celebrations are also the places where power positions are performatively settled between leaders, family groups and the group charisma of each congregation. These leadership competitions were also ritually expressed in the ancient celebrations, as well as rivalries between different groups. Here we briefly problematize two well differentiated positions: in Pastor Pedro's Foursquare church we highlight the recognition of the congregation, its relationship with important lineages in the leadership structures of the colony and the positive weighting by other religious leaders in the area. These conditions set the sociological foundations on which the performances<\/em> of the audience were disruptive to the pastor's expectations. doqsh\u00e9<\/em> (white or Creole) invited, but unequivocally affirmative for the pastor, the local and invited Qom leaders, the musicians and the congregation. Symmetrically and inversely, the event at Misi\u00f3n La Loma led Pastor Marcio into a situation in which the affirmative ritual construction of the invited group, accompanied by the audience, symbolically expressed the disruption that his own leadership embodied among the indigenous congregations.<\/p>\n\n\n\nAnalyzed as performances <\/em>In this study on the celebrations of indigenous church anniversaries in the Argentinean Chaco, this study enables future research on the ritualized forms in which processes of cultural change and dynamics of ethnic and religious belonging are expressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\nBibliography<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Buenos Aires: Biblos.<\/p>\n\n\n\nC\u00e9sar Ceriani Cernadas<\/em> D. in Sociocultural Anthropology from the University of Buenos Aires (Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina).uba<\/span>). Researcher at the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research (conicet<\/span>) at the Instituto de Ciencias Antropol\u00f3gicas, Facultad de Filosof\u00eda y Letras, uba<\/span>. Adjunct professor in the Anthropological Sciences program at the Universidad de la uba<\/span> D. in Social Sciences at the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences).flaccid<\/span>, (Argentina). His field of research is the anthropological study of religion, interested in the productions of religious diversity in Argentina and, particularly, in the historical and contemporary dynamics of indigenous Christianity in the Chaco region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n