performance<\/em>The \"violence, that is, as part of a dramatization of violence that is distinguished by its originality, its emotional and evocative intensity\", are part of the context in which they occur and configure it as dangerous.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe information accessed and disseminated by the musicians are digital inscriptions (Las\u00e9n, 2019). This implies a rejection of the idea of reflection or representation of reality to assume that images, sounds and digital texts configure forms of interaction, connection, while mobilizing and articulating the production of ideas, feelings and resignification of reality. In this case, the real-time access to what was happening in the city, the interactions and dialogues based on the contents served as a source of inspiration for the composition of \"Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n. El rescate\".<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Composition strategies and assessments<\/h2>\n\n\n\n It sounded like a joke from the drummer when he said \"we have to record a corrido\" about October 17 in Culiac\u00e1n. He was referring to composing, producing and broadcasting a corrido about the events of the day, that same day, even if they ended the following day. His proposal took shape when he spoke with the person in charge of the recording studio and confirmed that the space was available. At first there was reluctance to do the composition:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I must not deny something... I was also a little bit in disagreement [with the corrido]... Because you don't know what could happen (Jes\u00fas Antonio).
The other members of Arte Norte joined the proposal of Alvin, the drummer, and met on October 17 at 9:00 p.m. in the recording studio; they finished recording on the 18th at 5:00 a.m. They arrived at the studio without an idea of what the corrido could be. They arrived at the studio without an idea of what the corrido could be like, they did not have the lyrics, nor a tune. In the interview, Jes\u00fas Antonio commented: \"we really did it there. Once we were there in the studio, we did a single verse with the same tune. And with that we did the musical base, and while we were doing the musical base [recording the instruments], some of us composed and the one who recorded contributed ideas\". According to Pavel, they agreed to do six verses. From there they began to compose the content and made the music:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
There was a lot to say. It was simply a matter of accommodating what we had. And from an idea, someone would say: \"no, people running in the streets\", \"gunshots\"; we just had to complement that idea and make the verse rhyme. It was not so complicated to make the lyrics.
Direct and indirect experiences were inputs for the writing. When asked where the ideas to construct the verses came from, they responded:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
[Jes\u00fas Antonio] I think it was as a result of what you watched, of the same, of the material that came to you through videos, through audio. You could visualize it, you could imagine it. In the same way, the corrido became \"what do you think, let's see what you think, give me your opinion\" and we started to put it together. Pavel] As long as it was congruent and more than anything based on what they said, what we had heard in the news. All this, based on the news, and on what I had seen.
We return to Malcomson (2019) to highlight that composers have agency. Their skill in the writing process is an act and a creative way of exercising power. That is, despite the conditions of risk implicit in the exercise of composing about drug trafficking and\/or drug traffickers, composers create and negotiate content; they also process and transform the information they possess. Malcomson recognizes the active role of composers, as they investigate, question, contextualize, decide and position themselves based on the content of their compositions. In the interviews the musicians commented on the care and reservations they maintained at the moment of writing and deciding the final version of the composition:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We could have added more. For example, we could have added something about the inmates who escaped from the prison. We didn't include that in the lyrics. But in itself, most of the facts are there (Pavel).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
According to the musicians, they wrote with restraint, distancing themselves from the detailed description of violent events.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
From my point of view, it seems to me that it was already too much to add more violence to what there had already been. So, it seems to me that it would be an offense to the people (Jes\u00fas Antonio).
Regarding the positioning of the musicians in the composition, in the fourth verse they describe the government and the military at a disadvantage and defeated. The last verse, the only one written in the first person, refers directly to Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n and the Sinaloa cartel group that mobilized for his release.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This does not mean that the composers maintain a direct relationship with the Sinaloa cartel. As Lobato (2010: 11) suggests, composing in the first person \"allows the author to create a closer link between the lyrical-narrative voice and the audience, so that everything expressed acquires more dramatic intensity\". For security reasons, the positioning of the musicians with respect to a cartel depends on the territory where the musicians and composers are situated (Malcomson, 2019). The content of the compositions maintains a relationship with the knowledge, proximity and familiarity that the composers have with the character and the context. The writing involves the exaltation of significant traits, the description of qualities, the enunciation of values and ideals and the reproduction of prototypical images of drug traffickers (Lobato, 2010; Malcomson, 2019). An idealized character is constructed, blurring the line between veracity and fiction (Simonett, 2004) to build a narrative that connects with an immediate reality. The aim is for the story to be credible, for there to be a connection with the audience and to increase the popularity of the composition. Also, in the compositions \"the figure of the drug trafficker is constituted as a cultural icon, as a market strategy and as a profitable consumer product\" (Burgos, 2016: 6).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
When asked about the motivations for writing \"Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n. El rescate\", we find that the composers recognize that drug trafficking is a topic of interest to the people of Sinaloa, it is something they talk about: \"I think we live in a city that we already know how the situation is here\" (Jes\u00fas Antonio). At the same time, they recognize that corridos about drug trafficking to the rhythm of banda and norte\u00f1o are accepted by listeners: \"As they say, to the public whatever they ask for. The people are the ones who are in charge and more so here, here we are starving for another genre... Here they have to be corridos, or norte\u00f1o\" (V\u00edctor); \"They hire you more for the corrido... A group that sings the majority of corriditos or something, the pull<\/em> [work] you're always going to have\" (Alvin). In this case, a motive for composing was to become visible and increase their popularity:<\/p>\n\n\n\n[Victor]Well, more than anything, to make ourselves a little better known, really. Because we already knew that this could happen and what happened, which is that the video had many reproductions... But we never imagined that it would happen... [Pavel] We knew that many groups were going to release the corrido, but we have to fight for it too. Well, we were waiting for what every group is waiting for, to be known.
In recent years, the internet and social networks have been considered alternative spaces for the dissemination of narcocorridos. Social networks guarantee access, listening and prompt distribution of the compositions. In addition, instant sharing, interaction and contact between the musicians and the audience are increased. The viralization of a composition will depend on the visibility in different networks, recommendations and\/or common interests shared among listeners (Simonett and Burgos, 2015). This generates forms of socialization where listeners are active agents in the processes of production, distribution and resignification of music. In the experience of Arte Norte:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I still got home and started to make the video to upload it to the internet. Until it was uploaded to the internet I said, I can rest now. I think I uploaded the video at 7 o'clock in the morning and at that time I went to sleep (Pavel).on social networks<\/em>]. From there people started to grab it [Pavel] In my case, WhatsApp, Facebook and Instagram contacts asked me for it. They asked me for the audio or the video so they could publish it. It is news. And everyone, whoever likes it, wants to have it at that moment. So many people asked me for it... whoever asked me for it, I passed it on.For Arte Norte it was impossible to predict and control the course, scope and effects that the composition would have on the network. For them it was surprising that the corrido accompanied the content of some newscasts and that its musical narrative transcended local, national and transnational levels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I wasn't at home, we were working, and at home it was on the news. Hey! the corrido was on the news. And my dad works in a tianguis, in the Huizaches [popular mobile market], and the next day they had the corrido playing there in the record stand. They were playing the corrido there in the tianguis! And that's when I said: Igatu, so yes, it's being heard (V\u00edctor).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
There were newscasts. Well, I have family in the United States, in Nevada, and they sent me bits and pieces of video news from the United States and they had the music in the background with the images of the corrido. Direct Line<\/em> [local newscast] was also one of the first ones they passed on to us (Jes\u00fas Antonio).<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe spread of the corrido generated job opportunities and recognition of the group in other localities:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We had never received any calls from the United States until after this was recorded. But we can't do anything, we don't have a visa right now. My colleague here got a call from Guatemala, to send greetings for the radio. From Tijuana several salons, from Las Pulgas too. So several things came out of there, so far so good, thank God we are like this. What is going to happen with the corrido, maybe it will stay there, or maybe I tell my colleagues \"we need to record something else\", to take advantage of the visualizations, so that the people themselves say \"ah, they recorded something else again\" (Jes\u00fas Antonio).
Risks and warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n According to the musicians, the corrido \"Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n. El rescate\" had a considerable amount of reproductions. However, it is not a composition that they could promote, make a video clip or play it in any space. In Culiac\u00e1n there were no local groups, with trajectory and recognition, that immediately released a corrido about what happened on October 17: \"Nobody did the corrido. We had the courage or the audacity to do it\" (Jes\u00fas Antonio). Burgos (2016: 5) documents that young groups \"take the risk of composing about drug trafficking to open a space for themselves in the musical medium, as a strategy to make themselves known and achieve fame\". The recognition of these compositions leads to what Malcomson (2019) calls \"cruel optimism\". That is, when certain songs about drug trafficking increase the popularity of a group, but at the same time limits are established, compromises are made, or protective measures are imposed on the lives of the musicians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
From the experience of the musicians, they composed with information of something that was news. The content does not say something \"that was not already known\", \"nothing that people have not seen\", \"we are not making known anything extraordinary\", \"it is not an invented lyric\". They consider that they related \"what happened\". However, the corrido did not go unnoticed, Pavel commented:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The corrido had already gone viral, so we couldn't stop it, because it was already circulating in many places... Two days later, threats or warnings began to circulate through WhatsApp and Facebook to composers and groups that didn't want them to publish anything about what happened that day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The composition and the Arte Norte channel (which they had maintained since 2011) were reported and removed from YouTube. The musicians recognize that there are people who may have disliked the composition and probably reported it. On the other hand, they had the experience of rejections and claims from the local music guild. Pavel and Jes\u00fas Antonio commented that musicians from other groups told them: \"no, delete it; no, take it down; fucking ugly corrido; you are going to have a lot of problems; they are going to do something to you; they are going to do something to you; they are going to tablear<\/em>\". The members of Arte Norte infer that it was because of envy and with the intention that the composition did not increase reproductions. At that time they ignored the messages and did not remove the video.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThere was a general warning directed at Sinaloa musicians. Jes\u00fas Antonio recalls WhatsApp messages, Facebook and Instagram posts and audios \"for composers and groups not to put out anything about what happened that day.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is strictly forbidden to make any posts about what happened on Thursday, October 17. Those who have uploaded any corrido to social networks are asked to please delete it or remove it from social networks.Plebes<\/em>For all colleagues, groups or fans who shared the song, please delete it from your stories and publications. We are informed that it is strictly forbidden to make a run on what happened.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/audio>Audio warning to musicians and composers from Sinaloa.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\nJes\u00fas Antonio received a message that said \"I recommend that if you have recorded it that you remove it from the networks, because of the conversations I have heard\". Pavel was called on the phone, this is how he relates the experience:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
They talk to me directly on the phone and tell me: You are the Arte Norte<\/em>? So that's what we did, we had it removed from the social networks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Then some audio of another person began to circulate on WhatsApp. And in the audio he says the nickname of a person who is involved [with drug trafficking]. So that's when we said: you know what, we have to remove it now. And we removed it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
From these experiences, the members of Arte Norte expressed fear and insecurity. Part of the musicians' agency (Malcomson, 2019) also involves the management of their musical productions, the recognition of difficulties and the assessment of risks in the contexts of violence where they are situated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Yes, there is fear. Even today, we still do not play it in our presentations. We don't play it unless the client asks us to and also seeing what kind of people we are with; because, well, the threats were very clear: \"we don't want them to sing the corrido, we don't want them to record it, we don't want it on social networks\" (Pavel).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burgos (2016: 17) documents that narcocorrido composers and performers carry out their activities with caution and precaution, avoiding delicate and risky situations; \"when hired, musicians are not free to perform the corridos or songs they want. At all times they try to please the client who paid for their services\". In addition, they value the context, the situation and the people they meet to play part of their musical repertoire.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Returning to Skjerdal (2008), self-censorship occurs under unwritten rules. The \"fear factor\" is a central element in this practice. According to Skjerdal, self-censorship occurs when topics that are sensitive, controversial, of social conflict and about extraordinary events over which they want to have control are addressed; also when the contents could alter aspects of security, politics, religion, sexuality or other taboo topics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Following Salomon (2015) and Anttonen (2017), self-censorship is a situated social and cultural practice, operating at the \"micro\" level and involving the agency and meanings of those who participate in it. This does not make musicians victims or accomplices. Musicians practice \"active self-censorship\" (Skjerdal, 2008: 194) in that they maintain reservations, manage, decide and resolve what to do with their compositions so as not to generate tensions and conflicts. For Anttonen (2017), this regulation or restraint is based on \"common sense\" and the reading and interpretation of the context. That is, the recognition that it is \"a bad time\", or that their music is inappropriate for the situation being experienced. Thus, it is not the lyrical content that is inappropriate in a musical expression, but it is the context that frames the sense of inappropriateness (Anttonen, 2017). In such a situation, musicians are sensitive, empathetic, and responsible (Carpenter, 2017) by adjusting and reserving part of their repertoire, canceling performances, and keeping respect for fans. They also practice self-censorship as a strategy to protect the musicians and care for the image of the music group (Anttonen, 2017).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Self-censorship enables creative sociomusical practices, while encouraging reflection, awareness and a critical stance towards one's own musical creations and the socio-political context in which the music is inserted (Salomon, 2015). This is how Arte Norte positions itself in the context of its musical production:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Making corridos or not is not going to eliminate the violence that already exists. The violence does not lie in the corrido, it lies in the lack of work, the bad salaries. Making or not making corridos is not going to change that. One does not try to make corridos more violent. It is simply that the corrido culture is that, it is a culture that is already rooted here in Mexico and it could be said that here in Sinaloa much more than in other states of the country... Corridos are a culture of yesteryear, before they talked about the Revolution; now, they talk about drug trafficking, which is what is happening now in society (Pavel).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Conclusions<\/h2>\n\n\n\n It is important to recognize the psychosocial value of narcocorridos as micro-stories situated in a cultural and historical context. In this article, the corrido of \"Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n. El rescate\" represents a popular and alternative narrative, which takes the social pulse, creates, recreates and musically resignifies the violent events related to October 17, 2019 in Culiac\u00e1n. Narcocorridos are a way of accessing social thought, experiences, explanations and ways of interpreting drug trafficking and violence in Mexico.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
From the experiences of the musicians, their active role and agency become visible. They are young people who recognize and give meaning to the conditions of violence in which they live. The content of \"Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n. El rescate\" arises from their experiences, from the understanding of the context and the culture to which they belong. The musicians' personal experiences and digital sociability are significant. The immediacy of their practices of writing, musicalization, recording and dissemination of the corrido also stands out. This has to do not only with the mastery of a musical technique, but it is also important the proximity and interpretation they make of their context. In this composition, the use of technology and social networks in sociomusical practices favored the immediate viralization of a narcocultural narrative produced in real time. The circulation of \"Ovidio Guzm\u00e1n. El rescate\" was part of the processes of communication, assimilation and socialization of the culiacanazo<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\nWriting, composing and broadcasting are practices that musicians carry out in spite of risky conditions. They creatively overcome difficulties; they process and transform the information they possess; they create, contextualize and take a position regarding their contents. In this article we propose the idea of \"active self-censorship\" to make visible a micro-social practice that implies the musicians' agency. That is, to generate minimum conditions of safety and protection from the management of their repertoire, risk assessment, moderation in their presentations and the interpretation they make of the situation where they are.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Although the musicians' practices are guided by commercial interests, to gain visibility and increase their popularity, in their experience they exhibit a reflexive and conscious exercise of their own work. At the same time, they maintain a critical stance on the social, political, economic and cultural context in which their compositions circulate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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