{"id":31904,"date":"2020-03-23T01:13:42","date_gmt":"2020-03-23T01:13:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/encartesantropologicos.mx\/?p=31904"},"modified":"2024-04-24T13:38:53","modified_gmt":"2024-04-24T19:38:53","slug":"sosa-marta-lamas-acoso-denuncia-victimizacion","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/encartes.mx\/en\/sosa-marta-lamas-acoso-denuncia-victimizacion\/","title":{"rendered":"Culture, harassment and society; of hegemonies and feminisms"},"content":{"rendered":"

T<\/span>he last work of the anthropologist and feminist Marta Lamas1<\/a> verify that a title is performative. The question with which he intends to introduce us to the content challenges, whether it is challenging or attractive. In Mexico, the reception has been favorable although not very critical (Zapata, 2018; Toriz, September 26, 2018; V\u00e9lez, 2019), with some exceptions (Fern\u00e1ndez de la Reguera Ahedo, 2019; Est\u00e9vez, 2019). In the activist scene, it has generated the rejection of young feminists and the Mexican Network of Diverse Feminists (November 21, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cHarassment and confusion\u201d (April 17, 2019, latfem<\/span>), the first review in Argentina, recognizes Lamas' legacy and, at the same time, discards the approach with which he problematizes harassment. On this line, it declares that the "last wave of the feminist tide broke out to transform the exchange pacts",2<\/a> affirmation that vindicates the \u201cfourth wave\u201d with which the current transnational mobilizations around different feminist demands are included. In the South American country, this wave would be inexplicable without thinking about the "green tide", with which the fight for the legalization of abortion is described. Although Lamas does not dialogue with the \u201cfourth wave\u201d - as Diana Maffia points out (March 24, 2019, Perfil<\/em>) - since it is not his purpose, he ignores it completely, although he mentions Rita Segato, one of his most important references (pp. 14, 48-49).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The main objective of the book is to criticize the \u201chegemonic discourse of harassment\u201d. Although it never makes explicit what it understands by hegemony,3<\/a> in its arguments we can see that it has a coercive notion. Furthermore, hegemony is also interpreted as a tension between coercion and consensus; that is, fighting (Roseberry, 1994). Thus, he frames his argument in the debate between the movement #MeToo <\/em>and the manifest Nous d\u00e9fendons une libert\u00e9 d'importuner, indispensable to the libert\u00e9 sexuelle<\/em> (Le Monde<\/em>, January 5, 2018) whose \u201caxis of confrontation\u201d was harassment (p.12), which would become a cultural difference around the \u201cwars of sexuality\u201d in usa<\/span> and in France. With an essentialist prescription of "American culture" as puritanical and "French culture" as seductive, he analyzes the "cultural dispute" around sexuality based on cases involving sexual aspects.4<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

"The initial aspiration of feminism, which sought joyous and guiltless sex, has become a perpetual denunciation of the trauma of sexual violence" (2018: 116) is a insight<\/em> in Lamas's position on this cultural dispute, reaffirmed by the incorporation of the manifesto at the end of the work. Faced with the notion that sexual freedom can imply awkwardness and rejection, the #MeToo<\/em> it would be part of a conservative feminism that would make all sexual requirements synonymous with harassment (2018: 84). Therefore, it would be contradictory to an alleged achievement of the "sexual revolution", on which Lamas does not mention criticism (Fraser, 2012; de Miguel, 2015) or historical processes different from those of usa<\/span> and France (Cosse, 2008; Felitti, 2010; Schild, 2015).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This exclusion is striking given that, throughout the content, it indicates the \u201csocial gap\u201d generated by the championing of a feminism \u2013in this case, the radical one\u2013 whose production conditions are alien to its own. It is at this point that he finds that it is a "hegemonic discourse" - delimited by radical feminists and protected by governance feminists (p. 11) - that evokes "womanism" and "victimhood", translated into a " punitive and prison turn \u201dthat has crystallized women as\u201c powerless and oppressed victims \u201dand men as\u201c violent and dominating perpetrators \u201d(pp. 53-54).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lamas distinguishes \u201cwomanism-victimhood\u201d from the \u201cfeminist approach that defends the need to carry out political work with women\u201d (p. 52). Although it does not specify what this work would consist of, to support this differentiation it refers to the ideas of the academic Janet Halley towards the dominance feminism<\/em>, which would imply thinking about the possible combinations between harm, innocence and immunity (p. 55). So it would seem to lean towards an intersectional perspective, which is presented in the examination of the complaint made by the Mexican journalist Tamara de Anda against a taxi driver who called her "pretty", a term that \u2013from her gaze\u2013 would not be "harassment" but a "compliment", for its "positive cultural charge."<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So, he speculates: \u201cI don't know if Tamara would have reacted the same if instead of a taxi driver (dark and short) a handsome and blond young man had thrown the 'pretty' at her. I am afraid that the context of the incident is also crossed - intersected - by racism and classism \u201d(p. 87). Next, he argues that in "Judeo-Christian societies" there is a cultural ideal around femininity marked by a "virtuous sexual behavior" (pp. 88-91). Their aspiration to problematize in an intersectional way the game between categories that cross the interactions of the different sectors of Mexican society lacks the necessary methodological rigor, and contributes to the \u201cembarrassment\u201d (shaming<\/em>) of the actions of Tamara de Anda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With a brief account of the regulation of harassment in the universities of usa<\/span> During the eighties, it historicizes the "verbal lynchings", escraches and other "terrorist actions" (p. 68), where there was a growth of "sexual panic" - a type of "moral panic" - tinged with "androphobic", due to the influence of radical feminism (p. 58), in which sex and sexuality were advertised as dangerous; He omits to say that in South American countries, such as Argentina, the escrache dates from the post-dictatorship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On this line, the author questions \u2013from psychoanalysis\u2013 the primacy of subjectivity in reporting harassment \u2013the "if you felt that you were harassed, it was because it was so" - because she finds an interference of unconscious elements and fantasies, as well as intolerance , confusion, hypersusceptibility and resentments; this set would invalidate the responsibility of another person (pp. 61-67). However, it individualizes a collective process of construction of a public problem and makes a generational cultural change invisible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another question raised is whether the "instrumental sexual exchanges" in which a woman obtains an economic and \/ or labor "benefit" can be classified as harassment. From his point of view, no; and the use of erotic capital5<\/a> on the part of women to get something is part of the uses and customs. Before advocating for the elimination of this practice, Lamas considers that there must be a redistribution of economic and political capital that, for the most part, continues in the hands of men; As long as this does not happen, it remains to destigmatize them (2018: 135). But to be relegated to the use of erotic capital by a hierarchy defined by male domination would be to contribute to its normalization, rather than to its transformation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After identifying the common meanings that circulate in the "hegemonic discourse", the author proposes to redefine harassment. In this framework, it defines sexual harassment as systematic conduct. According to his classification, if this happened once it would be a \u201csexual abuse\u201d; "Sexual harassment" would be a type of "workplace harassment"; and the \u201cmacho social harassment\u201d would zigzag the trap of \u201cfemale victimhood\u201d \u2013product of the \u201cwomanism\u201d of radical feminism (p. 144) -, since it would contemplate the harassment that men and trans people can receive and experience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lamas maintains that in Mexico seven men die for every woman and shows indignation when considering that violence against men provokes fewer reactions (2018: 149). Using an indistinct use of Bourdieu, he considers this supposed absence of outrage to be an expression of symbolic violence. Let us clarify that the nuance of "gender violence" is the result of the process of struggle of feminisms. In Mexico, afflicted by a bloody war between sectors of the State and drug trafficking (and those linked to each other), this particularity has been emphasized, which does not cancel out other atrocious violence such as juveniles and forced disappearances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Again, the work does not dialogue with Latin American feminisms nor does it anthropologize the reterritorialization of radical feminism. Regarding the shallow balance6<\/a> about Mexico made in the epilogue, Lamas relegates initiatives around harassment, such as Street without harassment <\/em>and the mobilizations within public universities, since it does not oppose local voices and practices that have caused anger, for which it expresses interest (p. 146). To draw a line of analysis - rather than an answer - on how the \u201chegemonic discourse of harassment\u201d is presented, it should be clarified that this is not a copy that is reproduced but rather a relationship that entails reappropriations. To reflect on this, the proliferation of #MeToo<\/em> within the intellectual field and the cultural industry in Mexico during the first semester of 2019 -among others, MeTooAcad\u00e9micosMx- and its particular controversies, such as the one generated around the suicide of Armando Vega-Gil (Sosa, 2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decision of Lamas' theoretical approach seems to align with the political position of sectors opposed to feminism that discredit her struggle through acts such as naming feminists "feminazis", "hembristas" and "misandricas". His prevention around the advance of radical feminism, as in the case of Rita Segato, constitutes a look at the ideas debated in the geopolitical North (in this case, the United States and France), but generates multiple doubts about the \u201clowering of the line \u201dOr the debate for the case of Mexico - and what to say for a Latin America swept by a tide of green handkerchiefs - in which domination appears from its own notion of hegemony, which omits reappropriations, silences voices and deprives creativities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Le Monde<\/em> (5 de enero de 2018). \u201cNous d\u00e9fendons une libert\u00e9 d\u2019importuner, indispensable \u00e0 la libert\u00e9 sexuelle\u201d. Recuperado de https:\/\/www.lemonde.fr\/idees\/article\/2018\/01\/09\/nous-defendons-une-liberte-d-importuner-indispensable-a-la-liberte-sexuelle_5239134_3232.html, consultado el 17 de diciembre de 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Sosa, M\u00f3nica (2019) \u201cUn #MeToo frente al suicidio: problematizar el caso mexicano\u201d, en xiii<\/span> Jornadas de Sociolog\u00eda. Las cuestiones de la Sociolog\u00eda y la Sociolog\u00eda en cuesti\u00f3n.<\/em> Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Universidad de Buenos Aires. 26 al 30 de agosto de 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tajer, D\u00e9bora (2019, 8 de junio). \u201cDescubrir la p\u00f3lvora: les feministes menos pensades\u201d, en latfem<\/span>. Periodismo Feminista<\/em>. Recuperado de https:\/\/latfem.org\/descubrir-la-polvora-les-feministes-menos-pensades\/, consultado el 17 de diciembre de 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Zapata, Isabel (2018). \u201c\u00bfDenuncia leg\u00edtima o victimizaci\u00f3n?: Marta Lamas sobre el acoso\u201d, en Letras Libres<\/em>. Recuperado de https:\/\/www.letraslibres.com\/mexico\/libros\/denuncia-legitima-o-victimizacion-marta-lamas-sobre-el-acoso, consultado el 17 de diciembre de 2019.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

M<\/span>arta Lamas is a Mexican anthropologist and feminist with an important career. In 1992 he co-founded the Information Group on Elected Reproduction, vital in the discussion about abortion in Mexico, decriminalized in Mexico City (2007). Within the framework of his latest work -Culture, harassment and society; of hegemonies and feminisms-, M\u00f3nica Sosa analyzes and questions the bases of her postulates, underlining the previous discussion in this regard.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[614,426,384,615],"coauthors":[551],"class_list":["post-31904","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-10","tag-acoso","tag-cultura","tag-feminismo","tag-marta-lamas","personas-sosa-vasquez-maria-monica","numeros-616"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nCultura, acoso y sociedad; de hegemon\u00edas y feminismos – Encartes<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"M\u00f3nica Sosa analiza y cuestiona las bases de los postulados de Marta Lamas con relaci\u00f3n a lo que esta autora llama \u201cdiscurso hegem\u00f3nico del acoso\u201d.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/encartes.mx\/en\/sosa-marta-lamas-acoso-denuncia-victimizacion\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Cultura, acoso y sociedad; 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